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Morth Carolina Stat* Library 

*7^e *7tont& (Zaftoluta 

*j¥i&tw6c€il Review. 

Issued Quarterly 

Volume XLI Numbers 1-4 

wirtten - SftUttf - Summer - s4utcc*K*t 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor in Chief 

Mrs. Memory F. Mitchell, Editor 

Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, Editorial Associate 

John R. Jordan, Jr. William S. Powell 

Miss Sarah M. Lemmon Miss Mattie Russell 

Henry S. Stroupe 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Miss Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green Edward W. Phifer 

Ralph P. Hanes Daniel J. Whitener 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 192U> as a medium of publication and dis- 
cussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions by exchange, 
but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price is $3.00 per year. 
Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., for which 
the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication without further payment. Back 
numbers still in print are available for $.75 per number. Out-of-print numbers may be 
obtained on microfilm from University Microfilms, SIS North First Street, Ann Arbor, 
Michigan. Persons desiring to quote from this publication may do so without special 
permission from the editors providing full credit is given to The North Carolina 
Historical Review. The Review is published quarterly by the State Department of 
Archives and History, Education Building, Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets, 
Raleigh. Second class postage paid at Raleigh, North Carolina. 




Paul M. Ford 



Laura Page Frech 


TEXTILE INDUSTRY, 1865-1885 34 

Richard W. Griffin 



Thomas C. Parramore 


1904-1906 62 

David C. Roller 



William S. Powell 


Johnston, The Papers of Zebulon Baird Vance, Voluml I, 1843-1862, by 

John G. Barrett 105 

Treacy, Prelude to Yorktown: The Southern Campaign of Nathanael Greene, 

1780-1781, by Don Higginbotham 106 

Barrett, The Civil War in North Carolina, by Glenn Tucker 107 

Jones and Avant, Union List of North Carolina Newspapers, 1751-1900, 

by Robert H. Woody 109 

Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina: The History of a Southern State, 

by Robert F. Durden 110 

Hume, Here Lies Virginia: An Archaeologist's View of Colonial 

Life and History, by Lester J. Cappon Ill 

White, Messages of the Governors of Tennessee, Volume VI, 1869-1883, 

by James W. Patton 113 

Rogers, Ante-Bellum Thomas County, 1825-1861, by Sarah McCulloh Lemmon . . . .114 

Johns, Florida During the Civil War, by Herbert J. Doherty, Jr 115 

Lee, The Confederate Constitutions, by William B. Hesseltine 117 

Robertson, The Stonewall Brigade, by Horace W. Raper 118 

Grantham, The Democratic South, by Anne Firor Scott 120 

Berkeley and Berkeley, John Clayton: Pioneer of American Botany, 

by Robert W. Ramsey 121 

Patrick, Aristocrat in Uniform: General Duncan L. Clinch, by Louise Smith 122 

Wisehart, Sam Houston: American Giant, by George Osborn 125 

Trefousse, Benjamin Franklin Wade: Radical Republican from Ohio, 

by Harry L. Coles 126 

Tucker, Dawn Like Thunder: The Barbary Wars and the Birth of the U. S. Navy, 

by A. M. Patterson 128 

Howard, American Slavers and the Federal Law, 1837-1862, by Clement Eaton . . . .129 

Campbell and Howell, American Military Insignia, 1800-1851, 

by John D. F. Phillips 131 

Bonner, Our Recent Past: American Civilization in the Twentieth Century, 

by Burton F. Beers 132 

Other Recent Publications 133 





Richard Bardolph 

OF 1924 190 

John Robert Moore 


I. Noel Hume 


Arlin Turner 


Henry Belk 

DECEMBER 19, 1730 239 

Edited by Edmund and Dorothy S. Berkeley 


Louis Manarin 


William S. Powell 


Poe, My First 80 Years, by William C. White 262 

Bird, The History of Western Carolina College: The Progress of an Idea, 

by Elisha P. Douglass 263 

Thompson, Presbyterians in the South, Volume One, 1607-1861, 

by Harold J. Dudley 264 

Singletary, Negro Militia and Reconstruction, by Otto H. Olsen 266 

Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy, by Clarence D. Douglas . . . 267 

Caruso and Bolyard, The Southern Frontier, by Charlton W. Tebeau 268 

Callahan, Royal Raiders: The Tories of the American Revolution, 

by Carlos R. Allen, Jr 269 

Rice, Travels in North America in the Years 1780, 1781 and 1782, 

by Michael G. Kammen 270 

Cunningham, The Jeffersonians in Power: Party Operations, 1801-1809, 

by Lawrence F. Brewster 273 

Eaton, The Leaven of Democracy : The Growth of the Democratic Spirit 

in the Time of Jackson, by Edwin A. Miles 274 

Hollings worth, The Whirligig of Politics: The Democracy of Cleveland 

and Bryan, by Frank Grubbs 276 

Valentine, Fathers to Sons: Advice Without Consent, by I. B. Holley, Jr 277 

Other Recent Publications 278 




E. Milton Wheeler 


Durward T. Stokes 


1860-1865 338 

W. Harrison Daniel 


William E. King 


CRISIS OF 1933 370 

James C. Daniel 


The American Drawings of John White, 1577-1590, by H. G. Jones 383 

Merrens, Colonial North Carolina in the Eighteenth Century: A Study in 

Historical Geography, by Richard Beale Davis 384 

Fletcher, Ashe County : A History, by C. F. W. Coker 386 

Stroud, In Quest of Freedom, by Cyrus B. King 387 

Hall, Abel Parker Upshur: Conservative Virginian, 1790-18 UU, 

by Noble E. Cunningham, Jr 388 

Greene, The Quest for Power: The Lower Houses of Assembly in the 

Southern Royal Colonies, 1689-1776, by "W. Edwin Hemphill 389 

Peckham, The Colonial Wars, 1689-1762, by William S. Powell 390 

Rankin, The American Revolution, by Hugh T. Lefler 392 

Brown, The Galvanized Yankees, by T. Harry Gatton 393 

Simkins, The Everlasting South, by Fletcher M. Green 394 

Hutchinson and Rachal, The Papers of James Madison, Volume 3, 

3 March 1781- 31 December 1781, by J. Edwin Hendricks 396 

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. Harry S. Truman. 
Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the Presi- 
dent, January 1 to December 31, 1947, by Willard B. Gatewood, Jr 397 

Dorson, Buying the Wind, by Wilma Dykeman 399 

Lathrop, Old New England Churches, by C. C. Ware 400 

Other Recent Publications 401 


number 4, autumn, 1964 

silas Mcdowell and the early botanical 
exploration of western north carolina 425 

Gary S. Dunbar 



Joseph F. Steelman 



Thomas C. Parramore 


J. Leitch Wright, Jr. 



Mary Lindsay Thornton 


House, The Light That Shines: Chapel Hill, 1912-1916, 

Joseph F. Steelman 484 

Hand, Popular Beliefs and Superstitutions from North Carolina (II), 

4874-8569, by Elizabeth W. Wilborn 485 

Nash, Ladies in the Making, by Noble J. Tolbert . 486 

Johnson, The Peanut Story, by Cornelius 0. Cathey 487 

Pugh AND Williams, The Hotel in the Great Dismal Swamp and Contemporary 

Events Thereabouts, by Elizabeth G. McPherson 488 

Logan, The Negro in North Carolina, 1876-1894, by Richard L. Zuber 489 

Stem, Light and Rest, by Richard Walser 490 

Walser, James Gay: A Collection of Various Pieces of Poetry Chiefly 

Patriotic, by Edgar E. Folk 491 

Davis, Intellectual Life in Jefferson's Virginia, 1790-1830, by James C. Bonner . 493 

Bean, The Liberty Hall Volunteers : Stonewall's College Boys, by 

W. Harrison Daniel 494 

Holland, Pierce M. B. Young: The Warwick of the South, by 

Stephen E. Abrose 495 

Myers, The Zollie Tree, by Louis H. Manarin 496 

Hoole, Four Years in the Confederate Navy: The Career of Captain John Low 
on the C.S.S. Fingal, Florida, Alabama, Tuscaloosa, and Ajax, by 
William N. Still, Jr 498 

Vandiver, The Idea of the South: Pursuit of a Central Theme, by 

Dewey W. Grantham, Jr 499 

Savelle and Middlekauff, A History of Colonial America, by 

M. Eugene Sirmans 500 

Freidel and Pollack, Builders of American Institutions: Readings in 

United States History, by Peter F. Walker 501 

Green, Washington, Volume II, Capital City, 1879-1950, by Ken Munden 502 

Freidel, The New Deal and the American People, by Richard S. Kirkendall 503 

Golden, Mr. Kennedy and the Negroes, by Allen J. Going 504 

Other Recent Publications 505 


The North Carolina Historical Review is printed on Permalife, a text 
paper developed through the combined efforts of William J. Barrow of the 
Virginia State Library, the Council on Library Resources, Inc., and the 
Standard Paper Manufacturing Company. Tests indicate that the paper 
theoretically has a useful life of at least 300 years. 









Christopher Crittenden, Editor in f 

Mrs. Memory P. Mitchell, Edi* 
Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, EdU 


John R. Jordan, Jr. 
Miss Sarah M, Lemmon 

Miss Mattie Ri 

Henry S. Stroupe 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 
Miss Gertrude Sprague Carraway 
Fletcher M. Green 
Ralph P. Hanes 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

Josh L. Hok 
Edward W. Phik 
Daniel J, Whitener 

This review was established in January, 192U, as a medium of publication and d 
cu8sion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions by cxci 
but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price is $8.00 per 
Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, - 
the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publicaf ithout furth' 

numbers still in print are available for $.75 per number. Out-of-prn 
obtained on microfilm from University Microfilms, SIS North First Str< 
Michigan. Persons desiring to quote from this publication may do so withon 
permission from the editors providing full credit is given to The North Carolina 
Historical Review. The Review is published quarterly by the State Depar 
Archives and History, Education Building, Corner of Edenton and Salisfo 
Raleigh. Second class postage paid at Raleigh, North Carolina. 

COVER — The deer are reproduced from the decorative ice itle 

page of Edward Williams' Virgo Trivmphavx: or, 

Truly Valued, printed in London in 1650. The author'. 'Vir- 

ginia in General, but particularly Carolana, which comp 
and the Southerne parts of Virginia richly valm tells of "Deere in 
a numerous abundance, and delicate Venison" among the tr< itural 

resources there. See the article on pages 74-104, 

7<£e %wt& (}cinolt*ta 

Volume XLI Published in January, 1964 Number 1 



Paul M. Ford 


Laura Page Frech 

TEXTILE INDUSTRY, 1865-1885 34 

Richard W. Griffin 



Thomas C. Parramore 

CAROLINA, 1904-1906 62 

David C. Roller 



William S. Powell 




Johnston, The Papers of Zebulon Baird Vance, Volume I, 

1843-1862, by John G. Barrett 105 

Treacy, Prelude to Yorktown: The Southern Campaign of 

Nathanael Greene, 1780-1781, by Don Higginbotham 106 

Barrett, The Civil War in North Carolina, by Glenn Tucker 107 

Jones and Avant, Union List of North Carolina Newspapers, 

1751-1900, by Robert H. Woody 109 

Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina: The History of a 

Southern State, by Robert F. Durden 110 

Hume, Here Lies Virginia: An Archaeologist's View of 

Colonial Life and History, by Lester J. Cappon Ill 

White, Messages of the Governors of Tennessee, Volume VI, 

1869-1883, by James W. Patton 113 

Rogers, Ante-Bellum Thomas County, 1825-1861, 

by Sarah McCulloh Lemmon 114 

Johns, Florida During the Civil War, by Herbert J. Doherty, Jr. ... 115 

Lee, The Confederate Constitutions, by William B. Hesseltine 117 

Robertson, The Stonewall Brigade, by Horace W. Raper 118 

Grantham, The Democratic South, by Anne Firor Scott 120 

Berkeley and Berkeley, John Clayton: Pioneer of American 

Botany, by Robert W. Ramsey 121 

Patrick, Aristocrat in Uniform: General Duncan L. Clinch, 

by Louise Smith 122 

Wisehart, Sam Houston: American Giant, by George Osborn 125 

Trefousse, Benjamin Franklin Wade: Radical Republican 

from Ohio, by Harry L. Coles 126 

Tucker, Dawn Like Thunder: The Barbary Wars and the Birth 

of the U. S. Navy, by A. M. Patterson 128 

Howard, American Slavers and the Federal Law, 1837-1862, 

by Clement Eaton 129 

Campbell and Howell, American Military Insignia, 1800-1851, 

by John D. F. Phillips 131 

Bonner, Our Recent Past: American Civilization in the 

Twentieth Century, by Burton F. Beers .132 

Other Recent Publications 133 


By Paul M. Ford* 

Quite properly, Calvin H. Wiley is best known in North Carolina 
history for his pioneering work as State Superintendent of Common 
Schools from 1852 to 1865. In addition, his views of the Negro and 
education for the Negro are of interest, because they were somewhat 
unorthodox for the times. Wiley himself was a slaveowner, 1 yet he 
questioned the conditions of slavery in the South as he pursued his 
career and as the nation moved toward its bloody rendezvous with 

In his novels Alamance 2 and Roanoke, 3 Wiley treats the Negro sym- 
pathetically; the Negro is looked upon, in fact, as a positive value to 
the society in which he exists. Old Ben in Alamance is the guardian 
of the women of Alamance while their husbands and fathers fight the 
War of Revolution; Uncle Job in Roanoke fights to upset the plot of 
tyrants who seek to cause a slave rebellion. As Wiley saw the Negro, 
he was not to be feared but to be trusted, at least in the Revolutionary 

To make his sympathetic treatment more emphatic, Wiley intro- 
duces in Roanoke an escaped slave, Wild Bill, who is blamed for every 
murder, robbery, and crime which has been perpetrated in Carolina. 
The image of Bill is made to correspond with the image of the Negro 
which was becoming increasingly popular with southerners in the 
1840's. This image was the result of fear of Negro insurrection, a vague 
fear of some nameless crime the Negro would commit, a fear symbo- 

* Dr. Ford is an Assistant Professor of Education, Whitman College, Walla Walla, 

1 Calvin H. Wiley to S. S. Murkland, June 30, 1865, reprinted in the Greensboro 
Patriot, March 26, 1879. 

2 Alamance; or, The Great and Final Experiment (New York: Harper and Brothers, 
1847). This novel deals with the activities of a group of men and women from the 
area near Alamance Church in Guilford County against the British and Tories just 
before the Revolutionary War. 

3 Roanoke; or, "Where Is Utopia?" was first published in Sartain's Union Magazine 
of Philadelphia during 1849. It was later published under the title Life in the South; 
A Companion to Uncle Tom's Cabin (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: T. B. Peterson, 
1852). It is hereinafter cited as Wiley, Roanoke, but all footnotes refer to the book 
edition. This novel was based on the half-true, half-fictional stories about early life 
on North Carolina's Outer Banks and Roanoke Island. 

The North Carolina Historical Review 

Three leaders in education in North Carolina — Charles B. Aycock, Archibald D. 
Murphey, and Calvin H. Wiley. From a drawing in North Carolina: Yesterday and 
Today, by Jule B. Warren. 

lized by a black face and embodied in the words "the black terror." 4 
The Denmark Vesey Plot of 1822 and the Nat Turner Insurrection 
of 1831 were about the only material aspects of the "black terror" of 
any significance. Yet even in the early 1830's Senator George E. Badger 
of North Carolina indicated that the newspapers of the State went to 
great lengths to invent stories of slave plots, of the "black terror," when 

* Clement Eaton, Freedom of Thought in the Old South (Durham: Duke University 
Press, 1940), 95, hereinafter cited as Eaton, Freedom of Thought, 

Wiley's View of the Negro 3 

there was little evidence in fact for the allegations. 5 Nonetheless, the 
war against this abstract fear gathered impetus. 

In 1830 an act was passed by the North Carolina General Assembly 
prohibiting any person from teaching slaves to read or write. 6 Any free 
person who did so was liable to indictment, and upon conviction would 
be fined not less than $100. A free person of color so convicted would 
be fined, imprisoned or whipped at the discretion of the court— not 
more than 39 nor less than 20 lashes on the bare back. Any slave con- 
victed of attempting to teach another to read or write would receive 
39 lashes. 7 In 1835 at the Constitutional Convention, where the west- 
erners were being freed from the political inequality which they had 
so long suffered at the hands of the east, 8 the free Negro was disfran- 
chised; Negro ministers were barred from preaching. 9 While freedom 
and progress came to one group of men, another group of Americans 
was being condemned to ignorance by the very progress and search for 
identity of their brothers. 

Wiley's description of Wild Bill and of the great fear which all of 
the characters in Roanoke evince of him are calculated to show fully 
the horror of the "black terror." Once having created this image, Wiley 
permits it to fall to pieces; he tears the southern conception of the 
"black terror" to shreds and shows that it is illusion. Thus, Wiley's plea 
for education for the Negro is implied, never spoken aloud. The ex- 
plicit statement would come later. 

When Walter Tucker, the hero of Roanoke, came upon Wild Bill in 
the forest, Walter immediately informed the savage that he would 
take him into custody and turn him over to the officials of the colony; 
he would deliver Bill to justice. Bill answered that so far as he could 
see, justice was merely the will of the strong exercised to rob and 
oppress the poor. Bill launched into a long harangue against the white 
man who had brought the Negro to America as a slave. And if the 
white man had sinned against the Negro, he had sinned equallv 
against the Indian whose land he had stolen and whose life he had 

6 Eaton, Freedom of Thought, 95. 

"Hugh Talmage Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina: The History of 
a Southern State (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1954), 369, 
hereinafter cited as Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina. 

7 Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 369. 

8 Charles Clifford Norton, The Democratic Party in Antc-Bellum North Carolina, 
1835-1861 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina [Number 21 of The James 
Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science'], 1930), 9-10, hereinafter cited as 
Norton, Democratic Party. Up to this time a county's representation in the House of 
Commoris was not based on the density of its population; since the population of 
the western counties was significantly larger than that of the eastern counties, west- 
erners felt that they should have more representatives in the House. The convention 
abolished the old system in the House and introduced proportional representation. 

9 Norton, Democratic Party, 9-10. 

4 The North Carolina Historical Review 

taken at every possible opportunity— or at every time when so doing 
satisfied the white man's self-seeking. 10 Walter was stunned by the 
cogency of this argument. While he tried to marshal his arguments, 
Bill, who seemed an extremely well-educated Negro, went on with a 
most telling blow against the morality and religiosity upon which the 
South prided herself. 

Who is God and where is he ? : does he not sit in heaven and mark the un- 
expressed wailings, the inward prayer and the heart sickness of those 
thousands of thinking, rational, and immortal souls, whom the white men 
drive and beat as they do their oxen and their horses. Do you know that 
the negro, as well as the white man, has an undying spirit that looks to 
Heaven, and that it will meet its masters as an equal at the bar of God? 
Master ! God only is my Master ! n 

Bill, in his expression of the Negro as a rational creature with a soul, 
implies that the Negro is capable of salvation, just as is the white man. 
For Wiley, whose spiritual heritage was Presbyterian, 12 Bill's argument 
had great meaning. For according to Presbyterian theology, even 
though God implanted in a man that spark which would mean salva- 
tion, unless he could read the Scriptures, God's revealed truth, he could 
not be saved. In effect, North Carolina laws which prohibited the edu- 
cation of the Negro damned people whom God may have wished to 

Once having admitted that the Negro had a soul and therefore was 
capable of salvation, the southerner like Wiley was faced with un- 
answerable charges of interfering with God's work. Recognition of the 
grave charge was postponed, and only a few men, men like Wiley, tried 
in any way to ameliorate the condition of the Negro. Even for Wiley, 
the Civil War was necessary to make him take any definite action to 
educate the Negro. 

Walter defended himself before Bill's attack on slavery by insisting 
that it was not the present South that was responsible for the condition 
of the slaves, instead the fault lay with the original colonists who had 
begun the slave trade. Walter claimed that it was far better for the 
Negro to remain in a state of slavery than to be free, because the Negro 
was not ready for freedom. Wild Bill responded by asking Walter what 

10 Wiley, Roanoke, 79. 

11 Wiley, Roanoke, 81. 


D. C. Rankin to R. D. W. Connor, July 18, 1902, Calvin H. Wiley Papers, State 
Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, hereinafter cited as Wiley Papers. 
Rankin was Wiley's adopted nephew. In his letter to Connor, Rankin makes it clear 
that Wiley was thoroughly inculcated with Presbyterian theology from his early boy- 
hood. Wiley says much the same in his Alamance Church; a Historical Address 
Delivered at the Dedication of Its Fourth House of Worship, on October 18, 1879 
(Raleigh: Edwards, Broughton and Company, 1880), 1-3. 

Wiley's View of the Negro 5 

he would do if his people revolted against the British, even though the 
British did not think that Americans were ready for freedom. Walter 
answered that he would join his countrymen. Wild Bill then asked if 
the Negro also should have the right to rebellion and Walter said that 
such a revolt would destroy the country, and, in addition, rebellion 
was not permissible unless it had a good chance of success. 13 Essentially 
then Walter did not successfully answer the moral questions implied by 
Wild Bill concerning the right to rebel. 

Walter claimed that a gradual emancipation of the slaves would 
begin after they had been educated to take care of themselves. 14 But 
then, of course, came the question: When is this education to take 
place and where? In answering Bill's questions, Walter avoids explicit 
measures which might answer this problem of Negro illiteracy which 
challenged the very wellsprings of Presbyterian theology. Answers 
would come later from Wiley, vague at first, and then so well defined 
that his contemporaries in the Civil War generation could not accept 

A reader left this chapter of Roanoke with the impression that the 
"black terror" was the unreasoned fear by white men of something 
which did not exist. Walter Tucker's arguments were weak and Wild 
Bill's were strong. It seemed that Wiley conceded the rationality and 
moral goodness of the Negro's position. Wild Bill was a good man and 
he was done great injustice by the citizens who blamed him for all the 
crime and evil of the community. When he was at last captured, Bill, 
an innocent man, was hanged for the sins of others. 15 Clearly it seemed 
that Wiley was accusing his fellow southerners of creating an illusion, 
the "black terror," and then proceeding to act as if the illusion were 

When southern newspaper editors read the installment of Roanoke 
in Sartains Union Magazine of August, 1849, which included the chap- 
ter on Wild Bill, Wilev's position was called into Question. The Fred- 
ericksburg Recorder held that Wiley's concept of the Negro's position 
as expressed in Wild Bill's speeches was false and dangerous. 16 W. W. 
Holden of the North Carolina Standard called for Wilev to give an 
explanation of his position in li>ht of Bill's arguments. 17 Wilev an- 
swered that the character of Wild Bill was like that of other escaped 
fugutive slaves whose exploits were exaggerated bv citizens in the com- 

18 Wiley, Roanoke, 81. 

"Wiley, Roanoke, 82-85. 

15 Wiley. Roanoke, 124. 

18 The Fredericksburg Recorder (Fredericksburg:, Virginia), emoted in the North 
Carolina Standard (Raleigh), August 15, 1849, hereinafter cited as North Carolina 

"North Carolina Standard, August 15, 1849. 

6 The North Carolina Historical Review 

munities where the fugitives existed. 18 So ^t this moment, at least, 
Wiley did not back down in his questioning of the concept of the 
"black terror." "The rumors of Wild Bill's misdeeds were mere rumors, 
and true to the history of counties where there are fugitives from 
justice. . . ." 19 

In December, 1849, Wiley in A Sober View of the Slavery Question 
by a Citizen of the South again came to grips with the problem of 
Negro slavery and Negro education. The conclusions he reached were 
nearly permanent, but they would change slightly during the years 
between 1860 and 1863. 

Wiley, just as the Walter of Roanoke, justified the position of south- 
ern slaveowners on the grounds that they had inherited the institution 
of slavery. As he pointed out, and correctly so, before the 1820's slavery 
was looked upon by southerners as a curse that would be abolished in 
time. Wiley then went on to argue: 

Abolition became odious at the south because northern men, by their in- 
discreet movements, identified it with northern politics and northern senti- 
ment; and, by degrees, its southern friends were driven from its support, 
until, at last no one south of the Potomac dared to raise his voice in its 
favor. 20 

Wiley did not go on to indicate that slavery had become profitable 
since the 1820's. He simply blamed the northerner for the lack of 
abolitionist sentiment in the South. 

But even supposing that the Negroes were set free, Wiley held that 
they would be unable to care for themselves financially. According to 
Wiley's thinking the Negro in the South, like the Negro in the North, 
like the northern laborer, all uneducated, would be helpless before the 
educated and selfish whites. "And the white, superior in intellect and 
privileges, would tyranize over them, out-wit them, and oppress them 
without remorse." 21 It would be equally immoral to send Negroes back 
to Africa. For they were more Christian and more civilized in America 
than they could be in Africa. In America their chances of moral prog- 
ress were great because they were exposed to a higher form of Chris- 
tian civilization than that in Africa. 22 

18 Calvin H. Wiley to Seaton Gales, October 17, 1849, quoted in the Greensborough 
Patriot, November 3, 1849. 

19 Calvin H. Wiley to Seaton Gales, October 17, 1849, quoted in the Greensborough 
Patriot, November 3, 1849. 

20 Calvin H. Wiley, A Sober View of the Slavery Question, by a Citizen of the South 
(Greensboro: n.p., 1849), 3, hereinafter cited as Wiley, A Sober View of the Slavery 

21 Wiley, A Sober View of the Slavery Question, 3. 
M Wiley, A Sober View of the Slavery Question, 3. 

Wiley's View of the Negro 7 

For Wiley, slavery could not be abolished at this time and the North 
should not interfere with what was a southern problem. The South 
would solve the problem in good time. Here Wiley used postponement 
to gloss over the lack of an immediate solution for a major problem. 
This attitude was characteristic of the optimistic negligence of many 
other Americans in the middle of the nineteenth centurv. 

It is a Christian, a civilized and a progressive land, and the owners of 
slaves are enlightened, civilized and Christian men. If they are committing 
errors against their own interests, they will be sure to find them out in 
time; if they are burdening their souls with sin, no others can make attone- 
ment for them. Let them alone; leave them to the progress of Christian 
philosophy, to the lessons of their own teachers and preachers ; to the in- 
creasing light of those peaceful and mighty truths which are destined to 
purify from oppression, crime, and suffering the whole world. . . . 2:i 

Wiley assumed that Christian progress would continue to come to 
America, the South, and North Carolina. Christian civilization in the 
South was different from that in the North, but it was equally good in 
God's eyes. Both sections of the country had certain faults which must 
eventually be corrected if progress was to continue. The problem of 
Negro slavery and Negro education in the South would be corrected, 
not by northern laws or agitation, but by southern action. 24 

Just as a white man had to be educated so that he might find a posi- 
tion in society appropriate to his abilities, and in so doing not sin 
against other men through overambition, 25 so also the Negro must be 
educated before he could be made free. This education would be an 
attempt to mold the Negro's passions and his mind; but Wiley held 
that the education of the Negro would be quite different in its begin- 
nings from that of the white man. There were good reasons for this. 

The heart and the mind are to be reached, and their better qualities de- 
veloped by processes differing according to the situation, capabilities and 
character of the scholar. A race so totally depraved as to have no sense of 
moral responsibility, no apprehension of a superintending Deity, and no 
consciousness of an immortal soul within, could hardly be taught by those 
means which are in vogue among civilized, refined, and Christian nations ; 
would hardly appreciate those gentle appeals and restrictions which are 
applied to natures that for centuries on centuries have been advancing 

23 Wiley, A Sober View of the Slavery Question, 3. 

554 Wiley, A Sober View of the Slavery Question, 1. 

28 Calvin H. Wiley, An Address Delivered Before the Two Literaru Societies of Wake 
Forest College on the 12th of June, 18^5, at the Solicitation of the Euzelian Society 
(Raleigh: North Carolina Standard, 1845), hereinafter cited as Wiley. An Address:. 
Wake Forest College. 

North Carolina State Library 

8 The North Carolina Historical Review 

upward from a starting point more elevated than that which is now oc- 
cupied by the negroes of Africa. 26 * 

Wiley believed that the Negro did have a soul, could be educated, 
and, in fact, should be educated. But in the 1840's and 1850's he made 
no concrete suggestion for the education of the Negro in North Caro- 
lina. He offered another solution. He argued that Negro slavery should 
be permitted in territories lately annexed from Mexico. White popula- 
tion and Negro population in the new territories would be approxi- 
mately equal, Wiley thought. Thus, the Negro would be more exposed 
to the civilizing, Christianizing influence; in this wilderness land white 
and Negro would become more nearly social equals because of their 
mutual dependence upon each other for survival. In some way, but 
Wiley never explained how, the slaves would become landowners, and 
in time the problem of slavery and education for the slaves would be 
solved. 27 

The difficulty with Wiley's solution for these problems is that it is 
vague, almost visionarv. There is no mention made of the means bv 
which the Negro would be freed in the West, no system for his educa- 
tion, no law which would permit him to hold property. All of this was 
postponed, just as a solution to the problem of the American Indian 
had alwavs been postponed. Wilev, in his assurance that things would 
be worked out eventually, had fallen prey to that same habit which 
was characteristic of other Americans who faced these same problems. 
So bv December of 1849, just four months after the Wild Bill chapter 
appeared in print, Wiley seemed to give up the soul and the cause of 
Wild Bill for the arguments of the immature Walter. Though he tried 
to push the problem of the Negro aside for the next 12 years, still it 
haunted him. 

There runs throughout the argument of A Sober View of the Slavery 
Question the idea that, as Americans move westward, their problems 
will resolve themselves. Wiley held that man was reformable, that 
the world was capable of being brought by man with God's aid to some 
kind of near perfection. This he made abundantly clear in Roanoke. 
But Wiley's optimism led him even further. In an address before the 
Greensboro Guards on February 22, 1851, Wiley enunciated what was 
to be his philosophy of history, his interpretation of the progress of 
Christian civilization. 

Wiley's theory was that man had been banished from Eden bearing 
a heavy burden of sin. As the race of man moved westward, it was 

26 Wiley, An Address, Wake Forest College, 1-2. 

27 Wiley, An Address, Wake Forest College, 4-5. 

Wiley's View of the Negro 9 

chastened and purified by Providence. The Deity, in fact, drove man 
westward away from the source of his great crime; so it happened that 
in the course of their purification men were driven from the European 
shore to the American shore. 

Still onward they went in their pilgrimage, forbid to look backward or 
turn back, the Avenger pursuing at their heels, but they carried the 
Covenant with them and they often stopped to read, and scan and study its 

Once to the west shore of Europe — they were driven on by the spirit of 
Cain and came west to America. But the oppressor still pursued and over- 
took them; and they looked again to be driven westward to find their 
champion and their resting place. But he arose in their midst; and they 
prepared to stand their ground and to fight here the battle of liberty and 
right. 28 

The oppressor in this case was England; the champion was George 

Americans had stood their ground and won their war for indepen- 
dence. According to Wiley the greatest lesson they had learned was 
one which Cain had neglected. Americans were their brothers' keepers, 
guardians. So long as they would remember this lesson, they would 
continue their march westward toward the return to Eden. 29 In a short 
story written during 1851 Wiley again alluded to this lesson, to the 
mission of America, to the danger involved in the westward march. 

The humble Regulators have spread their leaven over thirteen free and 
happy states, and far beyond those western hills, away in the valleys of 
the west, then a howling Wilderness, those sons of Liberty, are descending 
carrying light, and the freedom, and civilization, toward the shores of the 
Pacific. . . . 

But Cains will be born, fraternal strife will arise and from the blood 
of the first brother Slain in anger will spring a curse, whose awful effects 
will follow you from generation to generation, even while this mountain 
stands. Strain your eyes to the West — far, far out there is the Pacific, and 
beyond is the paternal mansion of our race. It is a beautiful and glorious 
Country; and yet since the spilling of the blood of Abel, it has not ceased 

88 Calvin H. Wiley, "An Address Delivered Before the Greensboro Guards/' Febru- 
ary 22, 1851, quoted in The Weekly Raleigh Register, and North Carolina Gazette, 
April 23, 1851, hereinafter cited as Wiley, "Greensboro Guards Address." 

28 Wiley, "Greensboro Guards Address." 

10 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to be a land of gloom and strife, of bloodshed and terror. Oh! that you 
would learn wisdom from the past. 30 

Wiley here admonished his citizen southerners, whose sympathy 
toward secession was growing, that if in seeking their own self-interest 
they should break with their brothers, should in fact go to war for their 
own selfish reasons then God's work and His lesson for Americans, 
whom He had chosen as His saved, would be upset. So long as Ameri- 
cans could compromise their conflicts, their journey westward toward 
their goal in the east would prosper. In building God's world, Ameri- 
cans would continue to succeed if only they would continue to reform 

Still we can make a gradual progress toward liberty and happiness; and 
these are to be found in our entire subjugation of our bad passions and 
brutal propensities. 31 

Wiley imagined Americans to be of a higher morality than Europeans 
and others, since Americans had progressed farther west than had any 
other civilization. 

And they who have lingered there [in Europe] are still branded with 
the marks of Cain — death, moral death, still hovers over them and the 
dreadful doom pronounced on the first sinning man and woman, has with 
aggravated horrors, been their constant portion. 32 

As Wiley indicated in Alamance and Roanoke, democracy was the 
highest form of government that had yet been attained by men. It was 
natural that America, being God's favored nation, should have a gov- 
ernment within whose bounds the citizen was most free and yet where 
the component parts of the society were most unified. This combina- 
tion, in the face of God's blessing, made America "an over match for 
any human force." 33 Americans had no external force to fear. This was 
a point that Wiley made time after time; he understood that the chal- 
lenge would come from within the "mighty heart." 34 America was 
destined to success. So too were North Carolina and the South, if only 
the challenge could be met. And what was the challenge? It was, of 
course, the condition of the Negro and the South's relationship to the 
North as a consequence of this condition. 

30 Calvin H. Wiley, "Redwood the Regulator; or, The Wizard of the Pilot," The 
Weekly Post (Raleigh), December 13, 1851, hereinafter cited as Wiley, "Redwood the 

31 Wiley, A Sober View of the Slavery Question, 1. 

82 Wiley, "Greensboro Guards Address." 

33 Wiley, "Greensboro Guards Address." 

81 Wiley, "Greensboro Guards Address." 

Wiley's View of the Negro 11 

When Calvin Wiley married Mittie Towles, the daughter of a pros- 
perous Raleigh merchant, in the spring of 1862, he had no idea that 
the War would be a long or hard one. 35 He presumed, as did so many 
others around him, that the invading armies would give up their folly 
and return to the barren North from whence they had come. Writing to 
John Cunningham in June, 1862, in response to Cunningham's question 
as to whether it would be wise to invest in Confederate bonds, Wiley 
answered that Cunningham should invest in whatever would return 
the greatest profit. The War would not continue much longer, and the 
Confederate government seemed to have all the support it needed. 3 ' 

But as the summer of 1863 passed and with its passing came Lees 
heavy losses at Gettysburg and Bragg's defeat at Chickamauga, it be- 
came increasingly apparent to Wiley that his reading of the Souths 
destiny, his interpretation of North Carolina's development through 
God's medium of war, needed qualification. The Lord, God of Battles, 
did not visit these losses on the South without reason. In his book 
Scriptural Views of National Trials: or, The True Road to the Indepen- 
dence and Peace of the Confederate States of America, published in 
the late fall of 1863, Wiley discussed the calamity that had befallen 
the South. The conclusions he reached were of no small significance 
for his view of the Negro. 

The admitted purpose of the book was to examine the reasons why 
the War was lasting so long and why the South was suffering so. 37 
Wiley attempted to relate the revealed truth of God to the develop- 
ment of the War to answer these questions. He claimed that he took 
up this task because the churches of the State and of the South had 
not made it their responsibility to do so. Later in the book he made 
explicit what was only implied in his opening pages. 

The chief energies of the church are devoted to the founding of semi- 
naries, the construction and ornamentation of houses of worship, and the 
writing of learned and polished essays for critical audiences ; and while the 
vast majority of the human race are sitting in darkness and the shadow 
of death, a Church, great in numbers, wealth and education, considers that 

86 In his "Address to the People of North Carolina," July 9, 1861, Wiley showed a 
considerable change from the position he had taken in "Redwood the Regulator" con- 
cerning "fraternal strife." By July, 1861, he contended that God had brought about 
the War Between the States as an instrument by which the South might free itself 
from the North and thus become more prosperous, spiritually and materially, than 
otherwise would be the case. Earlier in "Redwood the Regulator" and in A Sober 
View of the Slavery Question, he had argued against war. 

3(5 Calvin H. Wiley to John W. Cunningham, June 5, 1862, John W. Cunningham 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina. Chapel Hill. 

87 Calvin H. Wiley, Scriptural Views of National Trials; or. The True Road to the 
Independence and Peace of the Confederate States of America (Greensboro: Sterling. 
Campbell and Albright, 1863), 13, hereinafter cited as Wiley, Scriptural Views. 

12 The North Carolina Historical Review 

it is performing its mission to a dying world by assembling every Sabbath 
in its costly and luxurious temples. . . , 88 

He attacked the fatalism which he saw all around him. Although 
men seemed to understand that there was some deeper meaning under- 
lying the War than the obvious political issues involved, no one seemed 
willing to explore more deeply into the causes of the War. It was 
assumed that the causes of the War were inexplicable; and further, it 
was assumed that men could do nothing to end the war. 39 

Wiley argued that to men who had fallen into sin or who had never 
been educated to know religious truth, God's ways seemed inscrutable. 
These men did not understand God's commandments because they 
were blinded by sin. But any man, providing that he had had the edu- 
cation, could understand God's ways. 

There is no mystery to any of those things: the reasons and principles 
of all God's dealings with us are plainly stated, and belong to us and to 
our children. 40 

The point Wiley made was that the southern churches had neglected 
their duty to help men understand God's ways and His command- 
ments; they had failed to educate the people of the South. Thus War 
continued with no chance for abatement. 

All the States of the South potentially had brilliant destinies to fulfill, 
"but their trials are caused by the fact that they are wholly unfit for 
their coming fate, and so refractory that they will not be taught until 
the rod had been unsparingly used." 41 The trials could not cease until 
the southern States profited from them. This War was not just a case of 
God punishing a South that had sinned; it was a case of God continu- 
ing the punishment of His children until they recognized their sin and 
ceased to commit it. It would be futile to pray to God and ask Him to 
stop the War; it would be equally useless to try to get aid from the 
European powers. No matter what the South did, until she recognized 
her sins and repented the bloodshed would continue. 42 

To Wiley the South's great sin, the sin which she had not recognized, 
or had recognized and not dared repent of, was her treatment of the 
Negro. Wiley found a way to blame the North, at least in part, for this. 

38 Wiley, Scriptural Views, 85. 

39 Wiley, Scriptural Views, 13. 

40 Wiley, Scriptural Views, 31. 
"Wiley, Scriptural Views, 70-72. 
42 Wiley, Scriptural Views, 118. 

Wiley's View of the Negro 13 

Reforms which the conscience of the whole Church felt were demanded, 
sternly demanded by the immutable Love of God, were adjourned for the 
reason that an attempt to effect them would be considered as a triumph 
to the free soilers ; and thus while we could face the sneers of the whole 
world in defending our interest, we could not endure the gibes of fanatics 
in the prosecution of our duties. 43 

Southern churchmen, looking to the North, and hearing the "socialists" 
and the "free lovers" and the other infidels who paraded as abolitionists, 
inferred that the full enforcement of the Bible doctrine regarding 
slavery would be a triumph for the enemies of the Bible. 44 

But Wiley held that it was the duty of the church to point out to the 
State that laws must be made requiring the lawful marriage of Negroes. 
Negroes must be permitted to hear the word of God on the Sabbath. 
Most important of all, until the Negro was given access to the Gospel, 
through education, and thus given the opportunity to save his soul, 
the War would continue. 45 

Wiley's Scriptural Views of National Trials was published at a time 
when North Carolinians were seeking an answer to the problem of 
what part they were to play in the world. The problems and suffering 
resulting from the War made them ask why all of this should be hap- 
pening to them. Wiley's answer was optimistic in that it assured men 
that North Carolina's destiny was not to be continued suffering; it gave 
men the hope for which they had sought. By the spring of 1864, Wiley 
had sold more than 4,000 copies of his book in North Carolina. 46 
Thomas Willie wrote to his nephew: "It is pretty well seasoned with 
the salt of Presbyterianism, but to this I do not object, for these old 
Scotch Presbyterians can out-fight and out-pray any people on the face 
of the earth." 47 

Wiley in 1849 in A Sober View of the Slavery Question had argued 
that the Negro must be educated if Christian progress were to con- 
tinue. Now, in the last years of the War, Wiley justified the education 
of the Negro in even stronger religious terms. He was certain that with- 
out the reform of slavery, the South would suffer even greater hard- 
ships than those which had already prostrated her. For although people 
might read his book and nod their agreement, no one was willing to 

"Wiley, Scriptural Views, 189. 
"Wiley, Scriptural Views, 190. 
"Wiley, Scriptural Views, 192-197. 

49 W. M. Kilpatrick to Calvin H. Wiley, May 7, 1864, Wiley Papers. See also, J. Arm- 
strong to Calvin H. Wiley, May 30, 1864, Wiley Papers. 

47 Thomas Willie to Calvin H. Wiley, June 11, 1864, Wiley Papers. 

14 The North Carolina Historical Review 

introduce concrete legislation which woulc| ameliorate the Negro s 
condition— not even Wiley himself. 48 

In a letter which appeared in the North Carolina Standard, June 30, 
1865, Wiley again attacked the problem of the southerner's duty to 
the Negro. 49 He stated that the North Carolina Negro was but a few 
steps removed from "the gloomy barbarism of Africa." This condition 
was due to State laws which had prohibited the education of the Negro. 
Wiley held that North Carolinians and all Christians had a moral duty 
to educate the Negro, just as Americans had the same duty to send 
missionaries abroad to spread Christianity. The two were one and the 
same thing. But the whites of the slave State were at a particular ad- 
vantage because the Negroes remained among them; there was no 
need to travel in this missionary activity. 

The political agitations which God had caused to occur during the 
past four years were warnings to the South. Slavery had been abolished 
in one swift stroke without the permission of the South. Yet God had 
left the Negro among the southerners so that the white men would 
have the opportunity to redeem themselves. 

He, God, has left the negroes in the midst of their former masters, al- 
most wholly dependent on them for even the most elementary instruction ; 
a docile and helpless people, forming as it were a great mass of shapeless 
and plastic clay, to test the artistic skill and energy of a race which claims 
that the world has never done it justice. 50 

There was another reason for educating the Negro. Always in the 
past the Negro had looked to the white man for leadership. If the 
newly freed Negro were completely neglected by his former master, 
he would wander aimlessly, becoming a public nuisance and perhaps 
even a threat to property rights of landowners. It was important that 
Negroes be brought into schools where they could be educated to see 
their place in society, which would naturally be socially inferior to that 
of the white man. This would provide much the same harmony be- 
tween the races which had existed before emancipation. The white 
man would remain respected and his property safe. 51 

48 Wiley was not the only southern churchman and educator who spoke in favor of 
reforming the slave codes during this period. Wiley's tutor in theology, Reverend 
Eli W. Caruthers of Alamance Church, in 1861 had told his parish that unless the 
slave laws were reformed the South would be defeated. Caruthers was promptly dis- 
missed from his charge. See John Spencer Bassett, Anti-Slavery Leaders of North 
Carolina (Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1898), 57-60, and Bell I. 
Wiley, "The Movement to Humanize the Institution of Slavery during the Confed- 
eracy," Emory University Quarterly, V (December, 1949), 208-219. 

49 Calvin H. Wiley to S. S. Murkland, North Carolina Standard, June 30, 1865, quoted 
in The Observer (Raleigh), February 15, 1878, hereinafter cited as The Observer. 

B0 Wiley to Murkland, The Observer, February 15, 1878. 
51 Wiley to Murkland, The Observer, February 15, 1878. 

Wiley's View of the Negro 15 

Wiley suggested that the excitement which characterized State poli- 
tics should not blind North Carolinians to the fact that if they did not 
establish educational facilities for the Negroes then northerners might 
come who would. These foreign teachers would be apt to imbue the 
Negro with hatred for the South and southern institutions. The result 
would be the existence of an alien race, the Negro among the whites. 
Every Negro in North Carolina should be brought into a school. 

The instruction must comprehend all that the blacks need to know to 
enable them to be self supporting, and to understand the great principles 
which concern their temporal and eternal welfare; and while the white 
race is thus engaged it will be destroying the seed beds of social and moral 
pestilence, will entitle itself to and will receive the lasting respect and 
deference of the blacks, will be improving and elevating itself, and will 
be effectually blocking the way of false philanthropists, demagogues, and 
the whole pestiferous brood of selfish agitators. 52 

The Negroes would have their own schools. There was no religious 
principle which dictated that white and black students mix. Wiley was 
unequivocably dedicated to the segregated school, saying that any at- 
tempt at mixing the student population "would be productive of un- 
mitigated evil." 53 

In a letter Wiley had written to Governor Zebulon B. Vance during 
the previous winter, he had made the same theological points, empha- 
sizing the white man's religious duty to reform slavery and educate 
the Negro. Wiley also expressed the opinion that the Negro must not 
be given social equality with the white. It was essential to the preserva- 
tion of the social system of the State that Negroes not be used in the 
army during these last days of the War. For this could result in a 
coalition of the Negro and the lower white classes against the social 
structure that existed. 

The negroes, in our country, & the meanest class of white people, would 
constitute a majority; & it would be impossible in such a community to 
have freedom, even if there were no ambitious scoundrels to take advan- 
tage of this state of Society. 54 

If the Negro could be educated immediately to see his place in society, 
there would be no reason for the class structure of society to become 

52 Wile,y to Murkland, The Observer, February 15, 1878. 

53 Wiley to Murkland, The Observer, February 15, 1878. 

""Calvin H. Wiley [to Governor Zebulon B. Vance] on the Evils of Slavery and the 
Causes of the Civil War," in Historical Notes, edited by D. L. Corbitt. The North 
Carolina Historical Review, III (October, 1926), 645-646, hereinafter cited as Wiley 
to Vance, Historical Notes. 

16 The North Carolina Historical Review 

It is obvious that Wiley spoke as a conservative rather than as a 
liberal. He wanted education for the Negro to satisfy God's command- 
ments, yes, but also he wanted education of the Negro so that the class 
structure of the State would remain as it had been in the past. Wiley 
had no intention of giving the Negro political or social equality; this 
was the farthest thing from his mind in 1865. 55 He was trying to save 
the old State society while making the appropriate repentance before 
God and the North. He was extremely fearful lest something should 
happen to elevate the Negro to a position from which he could dictate 
the terms of southern life. Once the Negro had been shown through 
education his proper place in society, the principal problems which the 
State and the South faced would be resolved. There would be no social 
upheaval. 56 

Vance replied that he had long entertained views similar to those 
held by Wiley concerning the reform of slavery and the education of 
the Negro. But he could see no means, with the financial condition of 
the State in such a poor way, and with the great lack of man power, 
for implementing a system of Negro education. 57 

Wiley's interest in the future of the Negro and in the organization 
of North Carolina society was also expressed just after the close of the 
War. He learned that his friend, John A. Gilmer, would go North as 
a member of the North Carolina Peace Commission which was to dis- 
cuss the reconstruction of the State with President Andrew Johnson. 
On May 5, 1865, in a letter to Gilmer, Wiley offered his advice as to 
how the negotiations should be carried on and what conditions the 
State should ask for. 

He said that the federal government should be persuaded that North 
Carolina left the Union only reluctantly and would be happy to return. 
If the State were treated with kindness and understanding, the other 
South Atlantic States would see this and would follow the presidential 
plan for reconstruction quickly; thus the Union and these States could 
be bound together by peaceful means rather than by the brutal sub- 
jugation of each State by an army of occupation. 58 

The main condition which had to be observed, if there was to be a 
speedy and effective return of the State to the Union, was that the 
Negroes should not be freed immediately. 

55 Wiley to Vance, Historical Notes, 642-648, passim. 

56 Wiley to Vance, Historical Notes, 642-648, passim. 

57 Governor Zebulon B. Vance to Calvin H. Wiley, February 3, 1865, Wiley Papers. 

58 Calvin H. Wiley to J. A. Gilmer, May 5, 1865, from the private collection in 
possession of Mary C. Wiley, Winston-Salem, hereinafter cited as Wiley to Gilmer, 
Mary C Wiley Collection. 

Wiley's View of the Negro 17 

Even under the present circumstances emancipation is dangerous: and I 
know (from conversation with the blacks, or as anyone might imagine) 
the negroes say that they ought to have lands and stock from their former 
owners ; and as they constitute such a large part of our population, there 
is danger of conflict. 59 

Wiley thought that emancipation of the Negro population at this time, 
while it was ignorant and not able to care for itself, would cause chaos 
in society. It was unfair to the Negro to put him into a position where 
he must either steal or starve. Since most of the Negroes owned no 
property, and since industry and agriculture had been disrupted by the 
War, the free Negroes would have no source of sustenance. 60 

The result of such a condition would be warfare between the freed 
Negroes and their former masters which would devastate the State. 
Wiley's plan was that the Negroes remain bound to their present mas- 
ters for a period of five years. During this period, the Negroes would 
be paid for their labor according to wage schedules set by the federal 
authorities. Meanwhile, schools could be established for the Negroes 
to give them the rudiments of learning which would enable them to 
care for themselves when their time of final emanicipation came. 61 In 
this way the Negroes would be given an opportunity to make them- 
selves useful in rebuilding the South. 

The great purpose is to be able to hold the blacks to wholesome service 
until the country is reduced to order, or until the blacks can make some- 
thing to start on. The negroes, having freedom before them at a set time, 
will be eager to make all they can, thus benefiting themselves and the 
country, and in the meantime we can have time to see if a place cannot 
be procured, a territory in the South, on which they or a considerable 
part of them can be settled to themselves. 63 

Wiley warned Gilmer to be careful not to cause the President to 
think that this plan was merely a ruse by which the slaveowners 
wished to maintain slavery in the South. Apparentlv Wiley did not 
understand that Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 
1863, was law, and that this law embodied a northern sentiment which 
was not subject to reconsideration. Gilmer did not mention this subject 
to the President. 63 The Negroes of North Carolina remained free and 

69 Wiley to Gilmer, May 5, 1865, Mary C. Wiley Collection. 

60 Wiley to Gilmer, May 5, 1865, Mary C. Wiley Collection. 

" Wiley to Gilmer, May 5, 1865, Mary C. Wiley Collection. 

63 Wiley to Gilmer, Mary C. Wiley Collection. Wiley himself owned five adult slaves. 
His daughter, Mary C. Wiley, relates that he taught these slaves to read, ever; 
though it was against the law. Interview with Mary C. Wiley, Julv 13, 1959. 

""J. A. Gilmer to Calvin H. Wiley, July 3, 1865, Mary C. Wiley Collection. 

Had* fiarofina &?« tfep? 

18 The North Carolina Historical Review 

After the War and preceding the advent of # the Radicals in the State, 
Wiley worked for the restoration of the common school system which 
he had built. But he also continued his dedication to establishing 
schools for the Negro. 64 Opposition immediately grew up to challenge 
Wiley's stand. This opposition was led by former Governor William A. 
Graham and Governor Jonathan Worth. Worth pointed out that there 
simply was not enough money available to establish schools for both 
white and Negro children. To establish schools only for the white 
population would probably bring down the wrath of the North; for 
this reason it would be best to postpone the restoration of the common 
schools. 65 

There was another reason for the reluctance of these leaders to es- 
tablish the schools. Wiley had claimed that unless the State established 
education for both the Negro and the white child, northern influences 
would seek to fill the teaching positions in the now empty schoolhouses 
with northern teachers. The effect of these "foreign" teachers would be 
deleterious to the structure of the State's social life. Others feared that 
if the machinery for the schools were established, then northern in- 
terests could take it over by substituting their own teachers for the 
State's teachers. The very existence of the common school organization 
would encourage northern reformers to turn it to their own ends. 66 

Worth turned Wiley's arguments for the common schools against 
him. Not only could the machinery of the common schools be used 
by northern reformers to inculcate harmful ideas in southern white 
children, but even worse, Negroes might be taught that they were the 
social and political equals of the white southerners. If anything would 
prove a chaotic influence against the harmonious structure of southern 
society, it would be this. The situation was one that prominent North 
Carolinians were not willing to risk. 67 

To Wiley it appeared that these men, who were essentially good men 
interested in the welfare of the State, overlooked the lesson that the 
War should have taught them. By neglecting the Negro's education, 
they were guilty of the same sin of omission that in large part had been 
responsible for God's chastening of the South. 68 Nevertheless, Wiley 
was unsuccessful in his efforts; whatever education there would be in 
the years immediately succeeding the War would be fostered by the 

04 "Governor's Message," Executive and Legislative Documents of the State of North 
Carolina, 1865-1866, Appendix. 

65 Jonathan Worth to W. A. Graham, January 12, 1866, W. A. Graham Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection, hereinafter cited as Graham Papers. 

68 W. A. Graham to Calvin H. Wiley, February 12, 1866, Wiley Papers. .': 

67 Jonathan Worth to W. A. Graham, January 12, 1866, Graham Papers. 

68 J. Cunningham to Calvin H. Wiley, April 16, 1866, Mary C Wiley Collection. 

Wiley's View of the Negro 19 

A major problem which confronted Wiley in his personal life as well 
as in his work in building a common school system was that of resolv- 
ing the apparent conflict between the American value for success and 
the demands of the Christian ethic. 69 He held that there should be no 
conflict between the Christian's temporal life and his spiritual life; the 
two were one. The building of a materially prosperous America was a 
Christian duty. 70 Wiley objected to the preoccupation which some 
Americans exhibited for material gain in itself; such preoccupation 
led men to attribute their prosperity to their own efforts alone rather 
than to the divine justice of God. When men forgot God they became 
overambitious, sinning against their brothers in the attempt to become 
financially successful. 

The need for the reformation of slavery was a problem which brought 
Wiley himself face to face with the conflict between the demands of 
the secular and spiritual life; this conflict was not easily resolved. In 
1849 he had expressed the view that the Negro, because he did have a 
soul, must be taught to read so that he might have access to the Gospel 
and thus to salvation. 71 Although Wiley believed in the spiritual im- 
perative dictated by the Negro's condition, he knew it would be politi- 
cal suicide to agitate such a question during his early years as super- 

Expediency was Wiley's guide during these years. To postpone the 
problem was more satisfactory than to face it and attempt to solve it 
while maintaining a career. When it became politically feasible for 
him to agitate for the education of the Negro and for the reformation 
of the institution of slavery, Wiley did so. After 1863 Wiley was dedi- 
cated to the spiritual, if not the social, uplifting of the Negro. But it 
was the War— the South's great losses and the need to explain these 
losses— that enabled Wiley to take his stand. The resolution of the 
conflict between the Christian ethic and the American success myth 
was, in this instance, as much a matter of circumstance as of Wiley's 

It was not only the conviction held by some North Carolinians that 
the War was God's chastening that gave Wiley the opportunitv to ex- 
press his position on the treatment of the Negroes; it was also their fear 
that unless the Negroes were placed in schools after the War they 
would become a milling, plundering race that would upset the social 
and political stability of the State. If the Negroes' education were left 

69 Wiley, An Address, Wake Forest College, 26. See also. Richard Hofstadter, The 
American Political Tradition (New York: Vintage Books, 1955), 95. 

70 Wiley, An Address, Wake Forest College, 26. 

71 Wiley, A Sober View of the Slavery Question, 3. 

20 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to the northerners, they would be imbued wit^i social ideas that would 
make the old social order impossible. And certainly Wiley was a de- 
fender of the old order. Thus he could speak on a major problem which 
had troubled him since the late 1840's; he could solve the conflict 
which it had posed. Yet the solution was reached only after the stage 
had been set by destiny. 

It was almost 35 years after the problem of the Negro and education 
for the Negro began to trouble Wiley that he was among those who 
established at Winston a school for Negroes. 72 In the spring of 1883, 
after continual prodding by Wiley, the voters of Winston agreed to tax 
themselves for the support of two graded schools, one for white children 
and the other for Negroes. Wiley was chosen chairman of the five 
commissioners elected to establish and supervise the schools. 73 He 
traveled north to Philadelphia to secure additional funds. 74 Wiley did 
not seek any reward of particular recognition for this last educational 
accomplishment. His daughter, Mary C. Wiley, has said that his reward 
came while he was observing the conduct of a class of Negro children 
in their graded school at Winston. Pointing to the man standing in the 
doorway of the classroom, the teacher asked, "Who is that man?" Her 
class replied, "Dat's de supintindent." 75 The irony was that Wiley had 
not been Superintendent of the Common Schools for 20-odd years. 

73 From 1869 to 1874, Wiley did missionary work for the American Bible Society in 
Tennessee. In 1874 he became the Society's superintendent for North Carolina and 
South Carolina and established his home at Winston. Interview with Mary C. Wiley, 
July 13, 1959. 

73 The Union Republican (Winston-Salem), April 23, 1883. 

74 Interview with Mary C. Wiley, July 13, 1959. 

75 Interview with Mary C. Wiley, July 13, 1959. 



By Laura Page Frech * 

North Carolinians know how important the Battle of Moores Creek 
was to the American cause in 1776. Not only was Wilmington saved 
from occupation by loyal Highlanders and British troops, but the 
ministry and Governor Josiah Martin were forced to give up their 
plan to put an early end to the rebellion by calling forth the Loyalists 
of North Carolina. The defeat of the Tories by James Moore, Richard 
Caswell, and Alexander Lillington and their men has been regarded 
as a significant event of the American Revolution. 

When viewed as a result rather than as a cause, however, the High- 
land rising at Cross Creek in February, 1776, looms as a symbol of 
failure. Much has been written about possible causes for the High- 
landers' loyalty to the British Crown, but little has been said about 
the failure of the rebel committees of public safety along the Cape 
Fear River to prevent the rising of the clans. For even though the 
Highlanders were strongly inclined to remain loyal to Britain and the 
Regulators were relentlessly hostile toward the Tidewater planters who 
were directing the Revolution in North Carolina, the skirmish between 
Whigs and Tories at the bridge over Moores Creek was not inevitable. 

During the final months of 1775 the Committee of Safety of the 
Wilmington-New Hanover area and the Brunswick Committee were 
entrusted with the responsibility of keeping Governor Martin quaran- 
tined aboard his floating asylum off Cape Fear. Had they been able 
to prevent his sending messages and receiving visitors, the Cross Creek 
rising might never have taken place. In December, 1775, however, 
Samuel Johnston wrote that Martin had managed to communicate 
with the Regulators, who had become insolent. "The Committees be- 
low have been too remiss," he complained. 1 

Johnston's charge was all too accurate. Although the Wilmington 
Committee of Safety knew from an early date of Governor Martin's 

* Mrs. Frech is a teacher at Garinger High School in Charlotte. 

^Samuel Johnston to Joseph Hewes, December 21, 1775, Hayes Collection (tran- 
scripts), State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, hereinafter cited as 
Hayes Collection. 

22 The North Carolina Historical Review 

plan to raise loyal troops in the back coimtry 3 Tories who were aiding 
him remained at liberty in the town as late as February, 1776. In June, 
1775, several Highland leaders came through Wilmington en route to 
Fort Johnston to ask the Governor for arms and commissions to raise 
troops. 2 On July 3 the Committee decided to write to Allan Macdonald, 
husband of the Scottish heroine, Flora Macdonald, to ask whether it 
was true that he had told Governor Martin he would raise troops. 3 
There is no record that Macdonald replied to the Committee's request. 
On July 7 the Wilmington Committee considered the case of James 
Hepburn of Cumberland County, who was accused of deriding the 
safety committees and spreading the rumor that the King had hired 
50,000 Russians to subdue the Americans. Hepburn had been to see 
the Governor, and it was "said, and universally believed," that he and 
others had gone "to offer their services to the said Governor, and to 
obtain his orders for raising mercenaries. . . " 4 The Committee had 
heard also that Hepburn had applied to the Cumberland County Com- 
mittee for permission to raise a company of militia and then had de- 
clared that he had intended to act against the American cause. Whether 
the Cumberland Committee was acting in the interest of the American 
cause at this time is not clear. Cumberland County contained many 
Tories, and at least one member of its safety committee, Farquard 
Campbell, joined the Loyalists at Cross Creek in February, 1776. The 
fact that the Wilmington Committee members felt called upon to act 
would indicate that they thought their Cumberland counterpart un- 
reliable. The Wilmington group drew up a resolution labeling Hepburn 
"inimical to the liberties of his country and the common cause of 
America. . . ." 5 Within a month he wrote, according to the Commit- 
tee's "Proceedings," begging to be "restored again to the favor of the 
public." 6 Although he was a delegate to the Provincial Convention 
which met in August, 1775, Hepburn too was a leader in the Loyalist 
rising the following February. 

2 Evangeline Walker Andrews (ed.), with the collaboration of Charles McLean An- 
drews, Journal of a Lady of Quality; Being the Narrative of a Journey from Scotland 
to the West Indies, North Carolina, and Portugal, in the Years 1774-1776, by Janet 
Schaw (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1922), 193, hereinafter cited 
as Andrews, Journal of Janet Schaw. 

3 Proceedings of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, July 3, 1775, William L. 
Saunders (ed.), The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh: State of North 
Carolina, 10 volumes, 1886-1890), X, 65, hereinafter cited as Saunders, Colonial 

4 Proceedings of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, July 7, 1775, Saunders, Colonial 
Records, X, 72-73. 

5 Proceedings of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, July 7, 1775, Saunders, Colonial 
Records, X, 72-73. 

6 Proceedings of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, August 8, 1775, Saunders, 
Colonial Records, X, 141. 

Loyalist Rising of February, 1776 23 

Throughout June and July the Wilmington and New Bern commit- 
tees intercepted letters between Governor Martin and General Thomas 
Gage at Boston and between Martin and the back-country Loyalists. 
By July 31 the Wilmington Committee was able to state: 

... we have learned from undoubted authority, that Governor Martin in- 
tends going into the back country, to collect a number of men, for the 
purpose of disturbing the internal peace of this province — 7 

In its efforts to control Tories and to deal with Governor Martin, the 
Wilmington Committee had the benefit of the advice and examples 
of other committees, especially of the one at New Bern, but apparently 
was not able to profit thereby. The New Bern Safety Committee, see- 
ing clearly where the focal point of the danger lay, decreed earlv that 
no one should communicate with the Governor either "personally, or 
by letter. . . ." On July 10 the Wilmington Committee issued a similar 
order, stating that no one could communicate with Martin without 
permission, 8 but evidently lacked the will and power to execute it. 
Although the committees on the coast made communication difficult 
for Martin, they did not succeed in achieving their purpose, as the 
Cross Creek rising attests. 

Samuel Johnston wrote from Edenton on Tuly 21, 1775, to warn the 
Wilmington Committee that two British officers had debarked there 
and had gone on to New Bern. The Edenton Committee had told the 
New Bern one to take them, but should the officers escape, the respon- 
sibility would fall on Wilmington. Johnston wrote: 

They pretend they are on a visit to some of their countrymen on your river 
but I think there is reason to suspect their errand of a base nature. ... I 
doubt not the prudence of the Gentlemen with you will have suggested the 
necessity of securing the Highlanders and that proper measures have been 
adopted for that purpose. 9 

Major Donald Macdonald and Captain Donald McLeod, who had 
indeed been sent from Boston to recruit loval troops, went into the 
back country without visiting Wilmington and remained there until 
February as guests of the Highland leaders. 

During late 1775 and early 1776 Governor Martin, aboard the roval 
warships off Cape Fear, maintained contact with such Wilmington 

7 Proceedings of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, July 31, 1775, Saunders, 
Colonial Records, X, 124. 

8 Proceedings of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, July 10, 1775, Saunders. 
Colonial Records, X, 87. 

•Samuel Johnston to the Committee at Wilmington, July 21, 1775, Saunders, Colonial 
Records, X, 117. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

Cape Fear patriots resist the landing of stamps at Brunswick. From Makers of 
North Carolina History, by R. D. W. Connor. 

Loyalists as Alex McLean, Samuel Campbell, Robert Hogg, William 
McTier, and perhaps John Slingsby, to say nothing of the Highlanders 
from the upper Cape Fear. McLean was the key figure in the intelli- 
gence system set up to co-ordinate the rising of the loyal in the back 
country with the arrival of the British troops which were to sail from 
Ireland early in December. Samuel and William Campbell and their 
partner, Robert Hogg, seem to have been the chief suppliers of pro- 
visions to the sloops-of-war "Cruizer" and "Scorpion" during their long 
vigil. After the War William McTier, also a merchant, told the Loyalist 
Claims Commission set up by the Crown that he had carried messages 
for Martin. 10 

Alex McLean, however, was the man Governor Martin considered 
his chief agent. A half -pay British officer, he had arrived in Wilming- 
ton in February, 1775, and had married a local girl. 11 After Governor 

10 William Mactier folder, Loyalist Claims, Audit Office Papers, 1765-1790, British 
Public Record Office, English Records (transcripts), State Department of Archives 
and History, hereinafter cited as Loyalist Claims. The Highlanders' names are spelled 
a variety of way throughout the documents in the Colonial Records and in the Loyalist 
Claims papers. 

"Nina Moore Tiffany (ed.), assisted by Susan I. Leslie, Letters of James Murray, 
Loyalist (Boston, Massachusetts: Privately printed, 1901). 240. 

Loyalist Rising of February, 1776 25 

Martin arrived at Fort Johnston in June, having fled his palace at New 
Bern, McLean assisted him for a few weeks in preparing his proclama- 
tions. 12 Evidently he was not afraid to speak out for the King, for on 
August 25 the Wilmington Safety Committee ordered McLean to re- 
cant within 30 days or leave the province. 13 Since other safety com- 
mittees usually allowed suspected Tories less than 24 hours to recant, 
the Wilmington Committee's action seems remarkably lenient. Mrs. 
Elizabeth Catherine DeRosset, a Loyalist member of a prominent 
Cape Fear family, wrote to John Burgwyn in England that McLean 
spoke "such things as are disagreeable to the people" and that his 
friends wished he would leave. 14 She said that McLean and his wife 
were going to the back country, but within a few months he was again 
in trouble with the Wilmington Committee. 

During August, 1775, Tories such as Archibald Neilson, a provincial 
official who was acting as the Governor's secretary, and Alex Schaw 
came and went between the plantations along the coast and the 
"Cruizer," to which Martin had prudently retired a few days before 
the burning of Fort Johnston in July. Although they had to exercise 
caution, their success indicates that the Loyalists were receiving some 
aid and protection from people on shore. At least, some professed 
Whigs did not report their comings and goings to the Committee, and 
in one known instance a Whig connived at the escape of a Loyalist. 
Alex Schaw, who had been visiting his brother, a Cape Fear planter, 
came ashore to tell his sister good-bye before leaving for England to 
make a report to Lord Dartmouth, the Colonial Secretary, on the situa- 
tion in North Carolina. The Whigs knew of Schaw's intentions and 
guarded the roads, but with the aid of friends, he returned safely to 
the "Scorpion" and sailed for England. 15 

Soon it was Neilson's turn. When the rebel leaders found that Gov- 
ernor Martin's "Fiery Proclamation" of August 8 was in Neilson's hand- 
writing "about a dozen of the greatest brutes they had" were dis- 
patched to Point Pleasant, one of John RutherfurcTs plantations, to 
search for the Governor's secretary. 16 The "Cruizer" was so crowded 
with Tories that Neilson frequently sought respite at Point Pleasant 

M A Proclamation by Governor Martin, June 16, 1775, Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 

18 Proceedings of the Safety Committee of Wilmington, August 21, 1775, Saunders. 
Colonial Records, X, 220. 

"Kemp Plummer Battle (ed.), Letters and Documents Relating to the Earht History 
of the Lower Cape Fear (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina [Number 4 
of The James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science], 1903), 22. 

15 Andrews, Journal of Janet Schaiv, 196. 

M Andrews, Journal of Janet Schaiv, 209. John Rutherfurd was a member of Governor 
Martin's Council. Janet Schaw had accompanied his children to North Carolina from 
Scotland, where they had been educated. Andrews, Jouryial of Janet Schaw, 4. 

26 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from the uncomfortable living conditions aboard ship, and the Whigs 
evidently knew this. As the committeemen, who reportedly were drunk, 
were not frequent visitors to Point Pleasant, they became lost and 
wound up at a neighboring plantation. The owner, although a Whig, 
made no effort to assist them, other than to provide more drink. Soon 
they were unable to proceed and went home, after asking their host 
to locate Neilson in the morning. The messenger sent by the neighbor 
to Point Pleasant breakfasted with the family and appeared relieved 
when told that Neilson was not there. Pie made no attempt to search 
for the missing Loyalist and warned that he probably would have been 
killed had he been found by the committeemen, who had no doubt 
since come to their senses. 17 Apparently the demands of friendship 
took precedence over those of congress and committee for many people. 

The departure of Janet Schaw, the Rutherfurd children, and Archi- 
bald Neilson from "this land of nominal freedom and real slavery" 18 
provides another example of the Tories' ability to go to and from the 
"Cruizer" despite the orders of the Committee. Since they had escaped 
secretly from Point Pleasant, Neilson supplied the party's need for 
money by sending a message into Wilmington. Several of their friends 
boarded the "Cruizer" with enough gold and silver coins to fill Miss 
Schaw's dressing box. 19 

The ship which bore away the Schaw-Rutherfurd-Neilson party in 
the fall of 1775 had brought to North Carolina several hundred im- 
poverished immigrants from the Scottish Highlands. Governor Martin 
administered loyalty oaths to them, and upper Cape Fear leaders such 
as Allan Macdonald and his son-in-law, Alex McLeod, aided them with 
money, hoping to keep them from incurring obligations to the Whigs. 20 
Just as Samuel Johnston had foreseen, a formidable task faced the rebel 
leaders if they were to persuade these bewildered newcomers of the 
rightness of their cause. Once they were settled among their back- 
country clansmen, the Whig committees would have little influence 
among the immigrants. Since they had landed at Brunswick and Wil- 
mington, the local Whigs could also have met the boats and attempted 
to win the loyalty of the new Americans, but there is no evidence that 
they did so. 

Perhaps one motive for the establishment of the Provincial Council 
in the fall of 1775 was the need to compensate for the weakness and 
ineffectiveness of some of the local safety committees. As autumn 

17 Andrews, Journal of Janet Schaw, 208-209. 

18 Andrews, Journal of Janet Schaw, 212. 
"Andrews, Journal of Janet Schaw, 212-214. 

90 Alexander McLeod and Allen McDonald folders, Loyalist Claims. 

Loyalist Rising of February, 1776 27 

turned into winter, the newly appointed executive body struggled 
manfully with almost overwhelming problems and noted grimly the 
lack of effective control over the Loyalists on the lower Cape Fear. On 
December 20 the Council observed that "the Measures concerted for 
the defence of American liberty have been communicated to the preju- 
dice of the public. . . ." Therefore, it resolved to recommend to the 
committees of Wilmington and Brunswick that efforts be made to see 
that no personal communication should take place between the in- 
habitants of the coast and the personnel of the warships. To this end, 
provisions were to be delivered to the ships in such a way that no 
intelligence could be disclosed. 21 The only merchants conclusively 
known to have supplied the warships were Hogg and Campbell. 
Robert Hogg had fled to England late in the summer and Samuel 
Campbell had demonstrated his Loyalist sympathies by refusing to 
join the march on Fort Johnston and by declining to serve on the 
Wilmington Safety Committee. 22 That Samuel and William Campbell 
had indeed been relaying information to Governor Martin appears 

The Wilmington committeemen apparently did not realize how well- 
founded were their suspicions of Alex McLean. Their lenience toward 
him was to lead to near disaster for the American cause. Under their 
very eyes he was carrying Governor Martin's messages to the back 
country. McLean traveled with a companion who carried the papers, 
the Governor wrote to Lord Germain. The rebels would not possibly 
suspect, Martin claimed— and evidently they did not. 

In December and early January McLean was in the back country, 
but he was gone so long that Governor Martin feared for his safety 7 
and for that of the men in Cumberland and Anson counties who had 
promised to rally to the royal standard. Meanwhile, the Governor had 
been approached by some of the people of Brunswick County, who 
assured him they were tired of the tyranny of the rebel committees and 
begged to be relieved. Panicky over McLean's prolonged absence, 
Martin accepted a new agent from among the men of Brunswick 
County. It soon appeared, he wrote to the Colonial Secretary, that the 
new agent had betrayed him. Fearing that the rebels knew the names 
of his men in the back country, he raised the standard before the royal 
troops arrived, Martin stated in an attempt to explain the failure of 
the Cross Creek rising. 1 


21 Journal of the Proceedings of the Provincial Congress, December 20, 1775, Saun- 
ders, Colonial Records, X, 350. 

22 Robert Hogg and Samuel Campbell folders, Loyalist Claims. 

^Governor Martin to Lord George Germain, March 21, 1776, Saunders, Colonial 
Records, X, 487-488. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

Drawing of angry colonists pretending that they are hanging a stamp collector. 
From North Carolina: Yesterday and Today, by Jule B. Warren. 

By January 6, 1776, Alex McLean must have returned to Wilming- 
ton, for on that day Archibald Maclaine brought before the Committee 
a letter from Governor Martin to Captain McLean. Since, as a half -pay 
officer he was ordered to leave immediately for England, McLean 
wanted to go to the Governor to ask permission to stay longer in North 
Carolina. The Committee, not completely deceived by this clever ruse, 
ruled that McLean could not go to see Martin, but could write to him 
if he showed the letter to the Committee before sending it. 24 

On January 10 Governor Martin issued a proclamation raising the 
royal standard and signed orders to a number of Loyalists in the back 
country to raise troops and repair to the standard. 25 This momentous 
event is never mentioned in the existing "Proceedings" of the Wilming- 
ton Safety Committee. If that body did not know of Martin's action, 
the Loyalists had succeeded in maintaining a remarkable degree of 

24 Proceedings of the Committee of Safety at Wilmington, January 6, 1776, Saunders, 
Colonial Records, X, 389. 

25 Proclamation by Governor Martin, January 10, 1776, Saunders, Colonial Records, 
X, 396-397. 

Loyalist Rising of February, 1776 29 

secrecy. If the committeemen did know, then their actions, or lack 
thereof, are difficult to explain. On January 16 Alex McLean was 
brought before the Committee to explain why he had disobeyed orders 
and had gone to the Governor. He did not mean to offend, replied 
McLean, or to act against the interest of the people, but if he had not 
seen Governor Martin he would have had to go to England and leave 
his affairs in confusion. Undoubtedly McLean now had in his posses- 
sion copies of Martin's proclamation and of the orders to the Loyalists. 
At the Committee's request, McLean, James Walker, and Archibald 
Maclaine put up £500 as bond for the captains good behavior and 
he was permitted to go about his business. 20 Walker, who had resigned 
from the Wilmington Safety Committee in November, departed the 
province in April, 1776, under the label of Tory. 27 Archibald Maclaine 
has usually been considered a patriot, although he opposed the intem- 
perate persecution of Loyalists, many of whom were his relatives and 

Soon after posting his bond, McLean left again for the back country 
carrying the Governor's orders for the Loyalists to begin gathering. 
Had the Wilmington committeemen been as firm as the Rowan group, 
they could have placed obstacles in the way of the Loyalists and per- 
haps even prevented the rising by incarcerating McLean and some 
others. The Rowan Committee had, in July, 1775, sent two Loyalists, 
suspected of having received letters from Governor Martin, to Charles- 
ton for safekeeping. 28 The example of the New Bern Committee, which 
disarmed Tories as early as August, 1775, might also have been a 
profitable one for the Wilmington Whigs to follow. The Wilmington 
Loyalists were not disarmed until February, 1776, after the raising of 
the King's standard at Cross Creek. 29 

Who McLean's companion was is not known. Since Governor Martin 
claimed that the patriots would not suspect the companion, this person 
could have been either someone high in the councils of the Whigs or 
a woman. William McTier later told the Loyalist Claims Commission 
that he also had aided the Governor by carrying orders to the back 
country, although McLean claimed to have been Martin's only agent 
during 1775. Another of Governor Martin's agents may have been 

26 Papers of Wilmington Safety Committee, Committees of Safety, 1774-1776, Secre- 
tary of State Papers, State Department of Archives and History, hereinafter cited as 
Papers of Wilmington Safety Committee. 

27 William Hooper to Joseph Hewes, April 17, 1776, Hayes Collection. 

28 Proceedings of the Safety Committee in Rowan County, July 15, 1775, Saunders, 
Colonial Records, X, 93; Statement of John Dunn, Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 673- 

29 Proceedings of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, February 9, 1776. Saunders, 
Colonial Records, X, 436. 

30 The North Carolina Historical Review 

William Stuart, who was taken into custody fry Colonel James Moore 
in April, 1776. 30 :.,.... 

The Safety Committee should have known that something was afoot, 
for the Loyalists in Wilmington became bolder in January. Dr. Joseph 
Fallon posted at the courthouse a paper criticizing the Committee. 
Although confined in jail, he defied the Safety Committee for several 
weeks before posting his bond. "The Public will shortly avenge itself 
in the injury offered to it in my person," he warned darkly. 31 On Jan- 
uary 27 a well-known Tory, William McTier, was brought before the 
Committee, having seen arrested the previous night while going to 
Brunswick with three others in a boat. He told the arresting officer 
that he had obtained the Safety Committee's permission to go to 
Brunswick, but refused to promise not to go beyond the tiny village, 
where lay the British warships. The Committee asserted that McTier 
had not received permission and noted that he had refused to sign 
the test of loyalty required of all inhabitants. Until he proved himself a 
friend to the American cause, it ruled, he could not go down the river 
at all. According to the Committee's records, McTier was then dis- 
charged from custody. 32 That the rebel leaders could have been com- 
pletely unaware of the activities of men such as McLean and McTier 
and of their importance to the royal cause seems unlikely. The Wil- 
mington Safety Committee's lenience toward these two loyalists 
cannot be explained satisfactorily by ignorance alone. 

Another aspect of the preparations for the Loyalist rising apparently 
either escaped the Committee's notice or was beyond its control. Sup- 
plies were needed for the men expected to gather at Cross Creek. One 
report states that after the Battle of Moores Creek the Whigs captured, 
among other valuable prizes, 350 guns, 1,500 rifles, and £, 15,000 in 
gold. 33 If the Highlanders were indeed so well equipped, they could 
only have been supplied from the pockets and stores of the Loyalist 
merchants of Wilmington and Cross Creek and at the expense of the 

30 Gen. Jas. Moore from Council of Safety, August 12, 1776, Walter Clark (ed.), The 
State Records of North Carolina (Winston, Goldsboro, and Raleigh: State of North 
Carolina, 16 volumes and 4-volume index [compiled by Stephen B. Weeks for both 
Colonial Records and State Records'], 1895-1914), XI, 342, hereinafter cited as Clark, 
State Records; From Gen. Ja. Moore to Hon. Cornelius Harnett, July 31, 1776, Clark, 
State Records, XXII, 751. 

81 Proceedings of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, January 15, 1776, Saunders, 
Colonial Records, X, 410; Proceedings of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, January 
17, 1776, Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 418; At a meeting of the Committee, January 
20, 1776, Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 419; Joseph Fallon to John Ancrum, February 
3, 1776, Papers of Wilmington Safety Committee. 

82 At a meeting of the Committee, January 28, 1776, Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 

83 Letter from an Unknown Source, March 10, 1776, Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 

Loyalist Rising of February, 1776 31 

rebel forces, who were desperately short of guns and other equipment. 
Fifteen thousand pounds in gold is an astonishing sum of money to 
have been collected in North Carolina in 1776. Although this account 
perhaps was exaggerated, 34 it is clear that the Tory leaders were able 
to arrange with the Wilmington merchants for the delivery of supplies. 
William McTier told the Loyalist Claims Commission that he had 
furnished supplies to the Loyalists at Cross Creek, as did John and 
James Cruden. John and Donald Downie, having been asked to pre- 
pare supplies by "a Gentleman high in office for the Royal cause," did 
so. At the proper time Donald Downie set out for Cross Creek in a 
boat loaded with rum, sugar, coffee, and salt which, since he was 
captured by the rebels, never reached the Loyalists. Downie escaped 
to the loyal forces and was killed at Moores Creek. 35 The significant 
fact is that these preparations for the rising were carried out despite 
Committee surveillance in Wilmington. 

That the Wilmington Safety Committee had ample warning of the 
likelihood of a Loyalist rising in the back country is evident. The Com- 
mittee also was presented with opportunities to act so as to forestall 
such a perilous development, but failed to do so. Compared with the 
New Bern and Rowan committees, the Wilmington one appears less 
aggressive and bold than some North Carolina historians have con- 
sidered it. After a study of the Committee's "Proceedings," one may 
well conclude that the Wilmington Safety Committee was actually a 
conservative body. Why, in the face of danger to themselves, to their 
cause, and to the people whose safety they professed to protect, did 
these men not act with greater speed and firmness against suspected 
Loyalists and royal agents? The answer would appear to lie in an 
analysis of the political sympathies of Wilmington's population during 
the crucial years 1774-1776. 

Eighteenth-century accounts indicate that the white population of 
Wilmington in 1775 may have numbered about 250 persons. Probably 
somewhere between 60 and 100 were adult males. The fact that S3 
men were listed in the Wilmington poll book for an election in 1780 36 
provides a hint, but not a final answer, as planters living in the sur- 
rounding countryside could vote in town elections if they owned prop- 
erty there. Living in the small town and its environs were more than 
40 merchants whose names have been recorded in various sources and 

^Hugh F. Rankin, "The Moore's Creek Bridge Campaign, 1776," The Worth Carolina 
Historical Review, XXX (January, 1953), 54. Rankin states that the greatest number 
of firearms known to have been possessed by General Donald Macdonald's force at any 
one time was 650. 

35 John Downie folder, Loyalist Claims. 

80 Poll Book of Wilmington, 1780, Clark, State Records. XV, 237-238. 

32 The North Carolina Historical Review 

who made up a large portion of the town's population. Of 44 mer- 
chants, over half can be shown to have been unsympathetic, if not 
openly hostile, to the rebel leaders' attempts to enforce compliance 
with the edicts of the Provincial and Continental congresses and the 
Provincial Council. Only six of these men appear to have remained 
true to the American cause throughout the War. Ten appeared before 
the Loyalist Claims Commission, and 12 others fled to England or to 
the British Army. Two were killed in battle against the rebels. Eleven 
more cannot be proved to have been Loyalists, but their careers con- 
tain suspicious incidents. The fact that planters like Cornelius Harnett, 
John Ashe, Robert Howe, and James Moore were ardent Whigs should 
not be allowed to obscure the fact that many inhabitants of Wilming- 
ton supported royal government. 

A study of the various sources used for this paper has yielded the 
names of approximately 60 Loyalists living in and near Wilmington. 
In addition to merchants, the list includes lawyers, physicians, Crown 
officials, planters, and some people of little property and influence. 
Testimony as to the size and influence of the Loyalist population on 
the lower Cape Fear comes from the pens of the Whig leaders them- 
selves. In July, 1777, John Ashe wrote to Governor Richard Caswell 
that he had found so many of the inhabitants of Wilmington "dis- 
affected" that he had ordered on duty such of the county militia as he 
thought reliable. He feared, however, that their number would not 
exceed 300. 37 William Hooper complained in 1778 that the Tories in 
Wilmington were making "observations . . . painful to men who love 
our cause." 38 Evidently they were endeavoring, and not without effect, 
to undermine the authority of the new State by claiming that its laws 
were so defective that they could not be executed and that the Whig 
leaders were afraid to execute them. It is noteworthy that when these 
letters were written many Tories had already fled. Despite the repeated 
efforts of the Safety Committee and the militia, many in Wilmington 
continued to refuse to take the various oaths and tests prescribed. As 
late as June, 1780, Captain John Walker wrote to Governor Abner 
Nash that there were still in Wilmington about 20 men who had never 
taken the oath of allegiance to the State. He named several mer- 
chants. 39 In his account of the Battle of Moores Creek, Alex McLean 

37 General John Ashe to Governor Caswell, July 28, 1777, Clark, State Records, XI, 

88 Griffith John McRee (ed.), The Life and Correspondence of James Iredell, One of 
the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States (New York: D. 
Appleton and Company, 2 volumes, 1857-1858), I, 405. 

89 Captain John Walker to Governor Abner Nash, June 16, 1780, Clark, State Records, 
XIV, 854. 

Loyalist Rising of February, 1776 33 

reported that as he traveled along the Cape Fear he found "the people 
in general very well affected to government. " 40 

The presence of so many Loyalists in and near Wilmington helps to 
explain the Safety Committee's apparent lack of zeal and of power. 
Some Loyalists even served on the Wilmington Safety Committee dur- 
ing 1775. Robert Hogg resigned after the burning of Fort Johnston, 
and Samuel Marshall was dropped from the Committee in July, 1775. 
Both soon went to England. Even though he had been threatened with 
court-martial for refusing to lead his militia company to attack the 
fort, 41 Samuel Campbell was nominated for membership on the Wil- 
mington Safety Committee in October, 1775. Although Samuel Camp- 
bell declined to serve, as did his brother William, James Walker, and 
several others, 42 John Slingsby was still a member of the Committee 
late in 1775. Slingsby apparently was involved in the Loyalist rising 
in February, 1776, and was killed in battle late in the War at the head 
of a company of loyal militia. 43 

In conclusion, then, it appears that the Wilmington Committee of 
Safety was unable or unwilling to take the steps necessary to prevent 
Governor Martin from calling forth the Highlanders and Regulators 
in the back country. The radical Whig minority along the lower Cape 
Fear seems to have been rendered less effective than the rebels of other 
counties in dealing with the strong Loyalist opposition by the presence 
of Loyalists and conservatives in the Safety Committee. Nevertheless, 
since the efforts of the committeemen and of the militia were sufficient 
to force Governor Martin to raise the royal standard before the sup- 
porting troops arrived from England, the Whig victory at Moores 
Creek was assured. Had James Moore's troops been tied down bv a 
British invasion of the coast, the outcome of the Loyalist rising might 
well have been different. 

40 A Narrative of the Proceeding's of a Body of Loyalists in North Carolina, enclosed 
in General Howe's letter of April 25, 1776, "Volume 93" folder, Colonial Office Papers, 
1682-1782, British Public Record Office, English Records (transcripts), State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History. 

" Samuel Campbell folder, Loyalist Claims. 

42 Proceedings of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, October 17, November 17, 
1775, Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 283, 334. 

43 Clark, State Records, XXII, v. 


By Richard W. Griffin * 

The final few months of the Civil War dealt a serious blow to the 
North Carolina textile industry. William T. Sherman's army had 
wreaked havoc with the State's largest cotton manufacturing center 
at Fayetteville and in Cumberland County, burning eight of nine tex- 
tile factories in the area. Almost simultaneously General George Stone- 
man's cavalry raiders, moving rapidly across western North Carolina 
on their way to succor the Federal prisoners at Salisbury, burned sev- 
eral mills in Caldwell and Iredell counties. They burned the prison at 
Salisbury, which until 1857 had housed the Salisbury Manufacturing 
Company's cotton mill. Although the greater percentage of the prewar 
mills survived, the mill owners were faced with a bleak outlook in 1865 
because the heavy and constant production during the years of the 
War had worn out most of their machinery. 

The cotton manufacturers had come out of the War, nevertheless, in 
better financial condition than most of their neighbors. They had not 
been as loyal as many of their critics felt they should have been, but 
anathemas had been heaped upon the heads of all types of producers 
for profiteering during the War. In defense of the manufactuers it may 
be said that they had been among the stanchest supporters of the 
Union and had done everything in their power to prevent secession. 
From the Potomac to the Rio Grande, the cotton manufacturing "na- 
bobs" had been under constant public attack throughout the War. 
They had long before adopted the economic mores of the new indus- 
trial society and had begun laying the foundation of the New South 
long before the quixotic defenders of the Old had taken up arms so 

The managers of cotton factories had begun, by a two-price system 
during the War— gold or Confederate currency— to build up a cash 
reserve which enabled them in the creditless postwar period to repair 

* Dr. Griffin is Editor of The Textile History Review and Chairman, Department of 
History, Wesleyan College, Macon, Georgia. Research for this article was sponsored 
by grants from The Social Science Research Council and The American Philosophical 

Textile Industry, 1865-1885 35 

old and to buy new machinery. In terms of the economic facts of life 
in the decade after 1865, it seems obvious that this industry otherwise 
would have not survived. It was upon this sound foundation of indus- 
trial recovery that Henry Grady and his disciples were able in 1880 
to launch the cotton-mill campaign. 

Chaos reigned in the first few months after the War, and the usual 
routines of life came to a standstill. The collapse of the Confederate 
government obliterated what lingering value its currency had retained. 
This loss was further accentuated by the cancellation of the war debts 
of the Confederacy and of the States— thus, the loss of millons of dol- 
lars represented by public bonds meant the end of savings of individ- 
uals, banks, insurance companies, and other similar institutions. There 
were a few citizens who possessed gold or cotton, and although some 
had deposits abroad, conditions were too unsettled for this capital to 
be made available. 

Northerners were coming into the State, but they were interested 
only in the cultivation of cotton. The mills of the North and of Eng- 
land, long cut off from an adequate supply of the staple, were anxious 
to buy and the prices paid reached undreamed-of heights. This made 
it difficult to begin new factories in the South, or for old ones to find 
additional outside capital. The only real encouragement for the build- 
ing of factories was the Cotton Tax; manufacturers were given a sub- 
sidy by the government equal to the tax to enable them to compete in 
the world markets. Thus, no tax had to be paid if the cotton was manu- 
factured in the district where it was grown. 1 The Cotton Tax and its 
collection caused much confusion, delay, expense, and inconvenience 
to the planter and served as a pressure in support of establishing cotton 

As early as July, 1865, the North Carolina Advertiser listed planta- 
tions, stores, mills, and factory sites for sale. 2 In Raleigh, the Daily 
Sentinel announced to the public the organization of the "Southern 
Real Estate and Emigration Company, whose object is to introduce 
capital and mechanical skill into the Southern States." 3 The most 
obvious advantage for the reconstruction of the textile industry was 
the large number of trained and experienced workers who were left 
indigent by the War. In addition to operatives, there were superinten- 
dents, overseers, and managers available for emplovment in old and 
new factories. This accounts for the fact that most of the factories 

1 The Daily Journal (Wilmington), December 19, 1866, hereinafter cited as The Daily 
8 North Carolina Advertiser (Raleigh), July 8, September 19, 1865. 
8 Daily Sentinel (Raleigh), September 15, 1865. 

36 The North Carolina Historical Review 

built in the late 1860's, 1870's, and early 1880's were established in 
areas where there was already a manufacturing tradition. The postwar 
years opened vast opportunities for advancement from the ranks of 
labor into those of management, and there are many examples of 
workers who took over the management of new mills. The best example 
is that of Mark Morgan, who, in the years after the War, rapidly moved 
from the position of overseer to that of superintendent to become first 
a partner and then owner of a large mill. 4 There were hundreds of such 
individuals waiting to secure new positions in the textile industry after 

Contemporary letters give some idea of the problems which faced 
the owners of the mills which survived the War. Wilfred Turner, for 
example, wrote in the spring of 1866 to one of his retailers saying that 
"in regard to the varn vou will please dispose of it on the best terms 
yon can. It would be difficult for me to fix a certain price as prices are 
so fluctuating." 5 A representative of a Philadelphia commission house 
reported to E. M. Holt that "we sold all the coarse yarn and mixed 
bales yon sent per last invoice at 50c . . . this was the best price our 
market affords at present & we were able to make prompt sales of it 
because it was Holt-yarn." Holt was informed that there was plenty 
of good varn of Georgia manufacture available at 46 cents, but the 
Philadelphia manufacturers preferred the well-known products of the 
Alamance mill. 6 

By 1866 conditions had improved and newspapers began to renew 
their industrial promotion efforts. The Western Democrat's editor 
spurred his readers on by announcing that there were 72 cotton fac- 
tories being built in Georgia alone. This, the editor stated, was the 
natural effect of the changes introduced by the War. The destruction 
of slavery had ended the almost exclusive investment of capital in 
agricultural pursuits by southerners, and the prediction was made that 
"Cotton and Woolen Mills will be multiplied from year to year, until 
the South will finally be able to work up her entire crop of cotton, 
and export the manuactured article instead of the raw material." This 
change was especially anticipated in North Carolina, whose "unlimited 
water power, salubrious climate and fertile soil," were suited to the 
building of factories. The editor of The Democrat took special interest 
in the development of the local Rock Island factory. It was held up 

* William I. Davis, "Mark Morgan: Industrial Pioneer of North Carolina," The 
Cotton History Review, I (April, 1960), 56-59. 

"Wilfred Turner to F. D. Carlton, May 30, 1866, Hamilton Brown Papers, Southern 
Historical Collection, University of North Carolina. Chapel Hill. 

6 James S. Woodward Sons to E. M. Holt, July 23, 1866, Alamance Mills Collection, 
Southern Historical Collection. 

Textile Industry, 1865-1885 37 

as an example of a concern with excellent machinery, able manage- 
ment, and one which was turning out fine products. This mill, un- 
fortunately, soon was bankrupt and closed its doors. 7 

Many editors, in their promotional zeal, printed fiction rather than 
facts when discussing cotton-mill construction. In order to stimulate 
the building of cotton mills, the editor of the Sandersville Central 
Georgian entered the field of statistical misrepresentation on a grand 
scale. This newspaper reported the operation of 12 mills in Fayette- 
ville, described the Rock Island Manufacturing Company at Charlotte 
as a mill with 25,000 spindles, and claimed that Georgians were build- 
ing nearly 100 mills. In no case were the editor's statements correct, 
but the facts were bevond the power of his readers to verify. 8 

The Wilmington Daily Journal published a letter of W. H. Willard. 
then agent of the Cane Creek and Orange factories, who attempted 
to awaken a greater interest in the building of cotton mills. He urged 
prospective manufacturers to buy their machinery from English manu- 
facturers (one of which he represented) as it was sufficientlv im- 
proved to be worth the additional 35 per cent import duty. The editor 
of The Daily Journal informed his readers that this letter was published 
because of "the great interest now felt in the South in the establish- 
ment of manufactories." 9 In subsequent issues this editor pointed out 
the need for and advantages of manufactures in North Carolina. He 
appealed to the profit motive most heavily, saving that the manufac- 
ture of cotton promised unparalleled profits and using the examples of 
northern factories paying dividends of 45 and 90 per cent annuallv. 10 

The editors also devoted a great deal of space to giving full notice to 
the affairs of old and new cotton factories in the State. A story on the 
Beaver Creek factory near Fayetteville which miraculously had been 
saved from destruction at the hands of Sherman's armv, included a 
report of its production in Mav, 1867. The 60 looms produced 70,000 
yards of sheeting and, in addition, 9,700 pounds of varn were spun; 
the mill consumed 81 bales of cotton in the process. The rebuilding of 
Duncan Murchison's factory gave Favetteville two cotton factories in 
operation that spring. 11 The Fayetteville Observer urged men of enter- 
prise to employ again the water power which had operated seven mills 
in the town. Fayetteville was claimed as the most inviting place for the 

7 The Western Democrat (Charlotte), October 10, 1866. 

8 The Daily Journal, February 10, 1867, quoting the Central Georgian (Sandersville, 

9 The Daily Journal, November 22, 1866. 

10 The Daily Journal, December 6, 1866, February 6, 9, 1867. 

n The Daily Journal, June 8, 22, 1867, quoting the Fayetteville Observer and the 
Fayetteville News. 

38 The North Carolina Historical Review 

investment of capital and, being heavily populated, was an excellent 
market for any article manufactured there. 12 

The Wilmington Journal published four stories on the Rocky Mount 
mill, one of the oldest mills in the State. One story was devoted to a 
short history of the origin and the subsequent growth of this company 
until its destruction in 1863 by Federal raiders. The editor of the Wil- 
son North Carolinian remarked that the 

destruction and loss of valuable machinery and property was a trifling 
consideration to Mr. Battle, but by this act of vandalism, numbers of poor 
boys and girls with aged and infirm parents dependent upon them, were 
thrown out of employment, and hundreds reduced to absolute want. A 
similar destruction of an insignificant iron foundry in Pennsylvania by 
Southern troops, created a howl of cowardly indignation North, and to this 
day is sounded in the Halls of the National Congress, and furnished a 
plea for wholesale confiscation of Southern property. 13 

In this way a not-too-subtle dig was taken at Thaddeus Stevens, who 
was becoming to most southerners a sort of archfiend. 

William S. Battle, the proprietor of the Rocky Mount Mills, reported 
that he would regulate his prices so that they would appeal to the 
people of North Carolina. As in the past, however, the merchants still 
went to Philadelphia and New York to buy goods made at Rocky 
Mount. Southern factory owners still did not have enough capital to 
extend to merchants the long credit terms they had to have to carry 
on business. 

Rocky Mount Mills, which had once employed slave and free Negro 
hands, was held up as an example of how factories could bring succor 
to the poor whites, to those "who have been by the calamities of the 
war reduced to the necessity of finding light and honorable employ- 
ment for their children." In the winter months the proprietor provided 
night-school instruction for the young hands. 14 The mill provided em- 
ployment for 60 hands, who wove 1,500 yards of cloth daily, for which 
they received an average wage of $2.50 per week. In the final article 
William Battle was congratulated for offering remunerative employ- 
ment to poor females, mostly between the ages of twelve and twenty- 
five, who preferred factory employment to farm work. The mill enabled 
"many poor girls to earn an honest livelihood, and avoid the paths of 
crime to which destitution so frequently drives them." The factory had 

u The Daily Journal, August 14, 1867, quoting: the Fayetteville Observer. 
u The Daily Journal, July 12, 1867, quoting the North Carolinian (Wilson). 
u The Daily Journal, August 16, 1867, January 12, 1869. 

Textile Industry, 1865-1885 39 

cost $70,000 to rebuild in 1867, whereupon it burned again and had 
to be once more rebuilt. 15 

Activities at other factories were noticed by the State's editors. The 
Union Manufacturing Company mill of Randolph County, built in 
1849, was offered for sale by its owners in 1868. 16 In Surry County the 
construction of two new mills was reported while four others of ante- 
bellum origin were in operation. 17 The rebuilt Richmond Manufactur- 
ing Company, refinanced by the investments of several prominent 
North Carolinians, was again operated by members of the Leake family 
who continued as principal supporters of the company as they had 
been since 1828. A second mill was being built nearby by a stockholder 
of the Richmond Company. 18 

Once North Carolina was readmitted to the Union, everyone began 
to take greater interest in a diversified economic development. Periodi- 
cals reiterated the advantages and needs of the State, pointing out the 
vast water-power potential, availability of raw materials, cheapness of 
food and shelter, and the prevailing low wages. 19 It was claimed that 
the money which would be saved on commissions and freight in getting 
the cotton would serve as an important price advantage in the world 
markets. The two scarce items were capital and skilled labor; but both 
of these items had been supplied by North Carolinians in the ante- 
bellum period and it was suggested that the same native resources 
would provide for future growth. 

The dividends of the southern mills began to attract attention as 
they continued to rise steeply and were characterized by one editor as 
sufficient to "clog the avaricious cravings of Shylock himself." The 
same editor noted for his readers the praise of one of the foremost 
northern textile manufacturers of a southern cotton mill. Senator Wil- 
liam Sprague of Rhode Island had visited Augusta, Georgia, and gave 
as his opinion of one of the mills there that it "todav will surpass in 
the success of its operations the best one in New England." Senator 
Sprague's interest in the growth of southern textile manufactures led 
him to invest in a mill site near Columbia, South Carolina. 20 

North Carolinians were urged to begin manufacturing as quicklv as 
possible and thus secure the advantage of early participation and be- 
come well established in the business before competition became 

15 The Daily Journal, February 14, 1869. 
19 Greensboro Patriot, May 1, 1868. 
17 Patriot and Times (Greensboro), January 28, 1869. 

18 The Daily Journal, February 16, 1869, quoting The Eagle (Fayetteville) j herein- 
after cited as The Eagle. 

"The Land We Love, VI (March, 1869), 430-431. 
80 The Daily Journal, April 14, 1869. 

40 The North Carolina Historical Review 

greater. The editor of the Wilmington Daily Journal, in a long editorial, 
called on all the States to do their best to develop southern resources, 
for the "rushing falls of Tennessee and the murmuring streams cease- 
lessly coursing to the ocean from the mountains of the Carolinas and 
Georgia, chide us with the inertness which former times may have 
rendered excusable, but which is a standing reproach as long as such 
advantages are neglected in the future." 21 

After 1869 the price of cotton began to decline in the world mar- 
kets, and this downward trend continued through the 1880's. The few 
years of high prices had contributed materially to the recovery of North 
Carolina and the South in general. 22 Once the price of and the demand 
for cotton were more competitive, marginal planters and farmers took 
up other activities. Those who had surplus capital and who were look- 
ing for profitable investment turned to cotton manufacture. 

In 1850 the census listed 35 cotton mills in North Carolina valued 
at $L327,400. In 1860 the number of mills had grown to 39 with a 
capitalization of $1,272,750. 23 By 1870 the cotton textile industry of 
the State had made an amazing recovery, with a reported investment 
of $2,250,000 in cotton mills. 24 The census of 1870, however, reported 
the total number of cotton mills as 33, with an invested capital of 
$L030,900. 25 A North Carolina business directory listed a total of 46 
mills in 1869 with property valued at $2,272,000. 26 

The economic problems born of the War and then of Reconstruction 
made economic change necessary, and after 1870 the State, the news- 
papers, and private agencies devoted themselves to the promotion of 
the cotton industry. The advantages in North Carolina remained much 
the same as they had appeared in 1828 when the legislature had 
looked for means to encourage industrial development. These efforts 
to attract outside capital met with uniform failure, for the capital and 
labor which soon was invested in the industry came from sources 
within the State. 

The most important consideration for those who were interested in 
cotton factories was the cost of construction and of starting opera- 

21 The Daily Journal, April 14, 16, 1869. 

22 TJpvincott's Magazine, TIT (March, 1869), 225. 

98 Seventh Census of the United States, 1850. Abstract of the Statistics of Manufac- 
tures (Washington: United States Bureau of Census, 1851), 43; Eighth Census of 
of the United States, 1860. Manufactures of the United States in 1860 (Washington: 
United States Bureau of Census, 1860), 420. 

24 F. B. Godard, Where to Immigrate and Why (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: n.p., 
1869 ), 379. 

28 Ninth Census of the United States. 1870. The Statistics of Wealth and Industry 
of the United States (Washine-ton : United States Bureau of Census, 187?), TIT. 709. 

88 Levi Branson, Branson's North Carolina Business Directory, 1869 (Raleigh: Levi 
Branson, 1869), 181, hereinafter cited as Branson's Directory, with year. 

Textile Industry, 1865-1885 41 

tions. There was no end to the various schemes that began to be pro- 
posed and tried for the building of cotton mills. Newspaper editors 
took only the most encouraging tone in dealing with the mill question. 
The Wilmington Daily Journal noted and applauded early in the 
decade the efforts of some southern States to encourage the rise of 
industry by extending tax exemptions for a period of years. This editor 
lamented that the North Carolina "constitution, which too frequently 
intervenes between the State and her material progress, does not allow 
such an exemption." The city council of Wilmington did propose to 
exempt cotton mills from citv taxes if and when any should be built 
there. 27 The North Carolina Constitution of 1868 was verv specific on 
this point, the article reading that "laws shall be passed taxing, by a 
uniform rule, all moneys, investments in bonds, stocks, joint stock com- 
panies or otherwise; and also, all real and personal property, according 
to its true value in money." There were many who urged that an 
amendment be made which would allow this extra encouragement for 
industrial plants. The New York Herald recommended this type of en- 
couragement to all the southern states. 28 

In the promotion of cotton factories, the editors of Charlotte and 
Wilmington were the most outspoken, and their columns provided busv 
conntrv editors with a constant flow of ammunition for local promo- 
tion. Practicallv everv editor had a plan of his own for raisine capital, 
or he published the plans of others. The editors of the Daily Charlotte 
Observer and the Wilmington Daily Journal made every effort to stir 
the citizens of their respective towns to action. 

The efforts in Wilmington were the most fruitful, and a cotton fac- 
tory was established there relatively early in the 1870's. In 1873 The 
Daily Journal suggested an association similar to those of building and 
loan groups, with 3,000 shares being issued, to be paid in $5.00 install- 
ments. A correspondent of the paper had a plan which seemed to hold 
even more promise of success. This gentleman recommended that the 
subscriptions for a cotton factory be made in materials and equipment. 
One person offered to subscribe a factory site which was valued at 
$10,000, and it was suggested that brick, lumber, lime, and all building 
materials could be obtained the same way. In a like manner, the labor 
of mechanics, brick masons, and that of all other necessarv occupations 
be used so the factory would be built with a minimum expenditure of 
cash. 29 

The' citizens of Wilmington were subjected to a veritable bombard- 

The Daily Journal, June 4, 1874. 

The Daily Journal, October 5, 1875. quoting The New York Herald. 

The Daily Journal, March 7, 19, 1873. 

42 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ment of information about cotton factories. Every new mill was given 
extensive publicity and, in addition, any change or improvement in 
existing mills was catalogued. Two articles taken from Virginia news- 
papers gave more detailed information regarding the cost of building 
and operating a cotton factory. The Norfolk Landmark claimed that its 
figures were sufficiently elastic to meet all contingencies. Its editor 
said that: 

A cotton mill containing 10,000 spindles and 250 looms is, we shall assume, 
about what is contemplated to start with here. The 250 looms will consume 
all the yarn spun by the 10,000 spindles, and will make No. 16 yarn as a 
basis to make the style of goods suitable for the requirements of our trade. 
The 10,000 spindles will consume about 23,000 pounds of raw cotton per 
week, and produce about 20,000 pounds of spun yarn. The cost of the spin- 
ing machinery, with all the latest improvements and all necessary expenses 
for belting, bands, etc., for droving, would be $85,000. This is, of course, 
exclusive of boilers, the price of which can easily be ascertained. 30 

The cost of the looms and the necessary equipment to operate them 
was estimated at $27,000. The weaving department was to employ 75 
hands who were to weave 241 yards each during a 60-hour week. It 
was observed that the majority of the mills ran over 60 hours, but this 
estimate allowed for stoppages of any type. The factory building 
would be 130 by 75 feet and five stories high, having an auxiliary 
three-story building, 40 by 26 feet, for picking room, cotton storage, 
and boiler room. The 120-horsepower engine chosen to power the mills 
would consume 34 tons of coal per week, of which 84 per cent would 
be used for operating the machinery, and the remainder for heating 
the factory. 31 

The No7*folk Virginian made a minute estimate of the amount of 
labor required, and its cost, and claimed that it would cost $150,000 to 
build and put into operation a cotton factory. 32 

90 The Daily Journal, February 19, 1874, quoting the Norfolk Landmark (Virginia), 
hereinafter cited as Norfolk Landmark. 

81 The Daily Journal, February 19, 1874, quoting the Norfolk Landmark. 

82 The following item was published in The Daily Journal, February 15, 1874, quoting 
the Norfolk Virginian : " 'One hundred and fifty thousand dollars will be enough to 
build a factory and furnish it with 250 looms. Such a factory would weave 300,000 
yards of 4/4 sheeting monthly, at 12% cents a yard this amounts to $37,500. 

To make 300,000 yards of sheeting would require of middling cotton 120,030 pounds, 
allowing that to cost 16 cents per pound, will make $10,248. 

The labor and number of operatives would cost about the following prices: 
1 President and clerk $400.00 

1 Superintendent and clerk 400.00 

1 bookkeeper 100.00 

2 watchmen at $30. 60.00 

3 drays and draymen 100.00 
1 office and yard hand 25.00 


Textile Industry, 1865-1885 


This was the kind of information which businessmen needed to show 
the possibilities of raising the necessary money in Wilmington, or in 
any city. Local merchants and all of the city residents were urged to 
support the projected mills, the editor of The Daily Journal pointing 
out that the city would never achieve real importance until "we levy 
industrial contribution upon the products which seek a market here 
... so long as we only handle the raw materials for others to manu- 
facture ... so long as we lag behind." 33 

In March, 1874, the organization of the Wilmington Cotton Mill was 
announced. Those who wanted to subscribe were told they could 
examine the books at the Wilmington Trust Company and Savings 
Bank, and in Goldsboro at the Branch Bank of New Hanover. The 
incorporators sought to raise $150,000 and they asked that the sum be 
subscribed between March 8 and March 17. Dr. A. J. DeRossett, 

Spinning Room 

Dressing Room 

1 head spinner 

$ 60.00 


head dresser 

$ 60.00 

2 second spinners 



second dresser 


2 oilers and bundlers 





50 spinners 



dresser tenders 


8 quillers 





8 bobbin carriers 



cloth trimmers 


2 sweepers 










Weaving Room 

Card Room 

1 head weaver 

$ 75.00 


head carder 

$ 75.00 

2 second weavers 



second carders 


75 weavers 



willower s / openers 


2 sweepers 



spreader tenders 



railway tenders 

72 no 

I Ld»\J\J 



card grinder 


Engine Room 


drawing tenders 


1 engineer 

$ 50.00 


speed tenders 


2 firemen 



roving tenders 




20 00 


mm v • \J\J 


Making a total of 253 at a cost of $5,867.00. 

For supplies and materials for repairs, such as oils, leather bobbins, reeds, shuttles, 
iron, lumber, etc., say $1,500.00. 
200 cords of wood $600.00. 
Insurance 2y 2 per cent. $419.67. 

To keep the property up to par value, say 5 per cent. $833.33. 
JLights, taxes, &c, say $400.00. 

Freights, commissions and guarantee on year's sales $38,000 at 7% per cent. $2,850.00. 
Gross expense per month $12,467.00 

19,248.00 cost of material 


Which deducted from the gross earnings, leaves a profit per month, of $5,7S5, or a 
profit per annum of $69,420 or which lacks a fraction of 28 per cent, on the invest- 
ment.' " 

88 The Daily Journal, February 27, 1874. 

44 The North Carolina Historical Review 

George R. French, Donald McRae, J. W. Atkinson, and Silas N. Martin 
were then appointed to draw up bylaws to be presented to the first 
meeting of the stockholders. By March 17 only $90,000 had been 
pledged and the organizers were determined to abandon the under- 
taking if the balance was not immediately taken. 34 This threat was 
sufficient to draw the remaining $60,000 from the public, and the first 
meeting of the stockholders was held in April at the Bank of New 
Hanover. After the directors were elected, the stockholders retired 
so that the company could be activated. The directors began by calling 
for a five per cent installment to be paid on the shares at once. 35 

The editor of The Daily Journal, understandably satisfied with his 
part in the promotion of a cotton factory for Wilmington, turned his 
attention to informing the public of the growing cotton-textile industry 
of the State. After the successful launching of the Wilmington Cotton 
Mill, The Daily Journal published an article by Silas N. Martin de- 
scribing the progress made and reiterating the advantages it would 
bring to all. 36 

An equal amount of interest was expressed in Charlotte regarding 
the establishment of a cotton mill there; this, however, evoked more 
discussion than action. The editor of the Daily Charlotte Observer 
wrote that he had hoped that "by this time, we would have at least 
one Cotton Factory in successful operation, as a monument to the 
enterprise of our citizens." Although there was unanimous agreement 
that such a plant was essential to the future of the city, no one seemed 
willing to take the initiative in achieving the desired result. 

A plan very similar to that used in Wilmington was proposed for 
raising the capital, but it was more specific with regard to the possi- 
bilities inherent in such a program. It was suggested that the capital 
be set at $1000,000, divided into shares of $100 each. The public was to 
subscribe for shares which were to be paid in weekly installments of 
$1.00; October 1, 1874, was chosen as the date for the first of the 
weekly payments. These sums were to be placed on deposit at interest 
until an amount sufficient to build was accumulated, and it was esti- 
mated that there would be $29,000 collected by the opening of the 
building season the following spring. The company could then build, 
mortgage the property to secure money for the machinery, and pledge 
the weekly installments for the liquidation of the debt. If this plan was 
adopted, it was promised that a factory would rise in Charlotte within 

84 The Daily Journal, March 8, 17, 1874. 
e The Daily Journal, April 12, 1874. 

39 The Daily Journal, 1874-1875, passim; for the Martin article see the issue for 
November 23, 1875. 

Textile Industry, 1865-1885 45 

12 months. In spite of the publicity given this plan, it was not acted 
upon. 37 

The editor of the paper, desperate to secure a cotton mill in Char- 
lotte, next attempted to interest the Grange, as a group, in building a 
mill. He estimated that there were 20 Granges in and around the city, 
and that each had about 50 members. This was a total of 1,000 men 
who, if each paid $5.00 a month for a year, would collect $60,000, an 
amount sufficient to build a $40,000 factory with the balance for oper- 
ating expenses. 

The lack of water power at Charlotte was one excuse for not build- 
ing a mill, but it was pointed out that the Salem factory of the Fries 
brothers and John McDonald's Concord factory had successfully oper- 
ated with steam for several decades. The editor concluded an appeal 
for public support for a cotton mill by saying "let us have a thundering 
big factor, and let it be in Charlotte. Let us hear the whir of spindles 
at Rock Island once more." 38 

The campaign of the Daily Charlotte Observer suddenly seemed to 
bear fruit; in fact, the editor was suddenly deluged by embryo cotton- 
mill projects in the following months, and Charlotte was confronted 
with plans for four mills. The Catawba River Council of the Patrons 
of Husbandry discussed and considered the possibility of sponsoring 
a cotton factory. Then a group of Charlotte's leading citizens, "the very 
mention of those names is a synonym for success," considered securing 
a charter for such a company. The owners of the Rock Island factory 
property began negotiations to sell that abandoned property to still a 
third group of investors. Lastly, a citizen of Charlotte, J. H. Wilson— 
with a partner, James E. Moore, of Augusta, Georgia— planned to build 
a mill ten miles north of the city. This sudden boom in interest in cot- 
ton mills carried the editor of the Observer away on clouds of enthu- 
siasm as he urged his fellow citizens to come to the aid of any enter- 
prise "which is so full of promise." 39 

With so much news of the expanding industry, it was thought that 
Charlotte was on the verge of becoming an important textile center. 
This dream collapsed when three of the mills projected for Charlotte 
failed to materialize. The Wilson and Moore Island Creek Mill was 
built, but it was in Gaston County. The editor's reaction was that "it 
is a pity that Charlotte has no cotton manufactories and so few of other 

87 Daily Charlotte Observer, September 5, 10, 1874. 
38 Daily Charlotte Observer, June 6, 1874. 

88 Daily Charlotte Observer, October 9, 1874. 

46 The North Carolina Historical Review 

kind." 40 Interest in the subject limped on f or f the next few years, while 
information appeared in the paper's columns reporting the advances 
of the industry in other parts of the State. Constant references were 
made to the huge profits being made by others in this industry. 41 

In 1877 a little interest was again aroused when E. C. Grier decided 
to build a cotton mill north of the city. It developed, however, that the 
plan was too small to be of real importance. Grier and his son invested 
$7,000 in securing a Clement Attachment of 264 spindles, 42 and the 
mill existed for about two years before going bankrupt. The Clement 
Attachment, improved upon by a South Carolinian, had been devel- 
oped in the ante-bellum period in south Mississippi. This machine, 
expected in the 1870's to revolutionize the industry, was designed to 
eliminate the necessity of both ginning and cleaning the cotton before 
manufacture was begun. The cotton in the seed was placed in the 
machine which ginned and cleaned it and delivered it directly to the 
cards. The Grier mill in Mecklenburg County and another established 
in 1882 by S. S. Fowler at Elizabeth City were the only factories to 
use it in North Carolina. 

In order to renew interest in the cotton-mill campaign, the average 
profits of the Langly factory in South Carolina were published by the 
Observer. It had earned an average profit between 1872 and 1877 of 
$59,000 annually, and was not only operating overtime but was three 
months behind in its orders. The editor candidly wrote that "these 
facts and figures are calculated to arouse general interest in the im- 
portant matter of cotton manufacturing, particularly in sections like 
ours, where cotton is the principal staple." 43 

The Panic of 1873 had brought a further drop in cotton prices, and 
farmers were looking for any way to alleviate their distress. Under this 
sort of pressure, the Granges of Mecklenburg, Cabarrus, Rowan, Ire- 
dell, Catawba, Lincoln, and Gaston counties began pooling their 
money for a manufacturing venture. They had accumulated $90,000, 
which they planned to use for building a mill on the Catawba River 
in Gaston County, and they reported that they had "no doubts of 
ultimate success in their undertaking and— no middle men need ap- 
ply." 44 As the decade approached its end, the Observer listed nine 

40 Southern Home (Charlotte), July 5, 1875; Daily Charlotte Observer, November 20, 

"Daily Charlotte Observer, July 17, 1877, quoting the Sun and Enquirer (Columbus, 

Daily Charlotte Observer, December 9, 1877. 
Daily Charlotte Observer, April 6, 1878. 
Daily Charlotte Observer, August 6, 1878. 


Textile Industry, 1865-1885 47 

cotton factories in full and successful operation within 35 miles of the 
city. 45 

Yet, outside of the promotion in Charlotte and Wilmington, the 
1870's had been a decade more of action than of words. At the end of 
the decade the Wilmington mill was fulfilling its promise while Char- 
lotte still dreamed of its first cotton mill. Men of a new age, however, 
brought new energy to play on the subject and the Charlotte Cotton 
Mill was built in 1880-1881. The Atlanta International Cotton Exposi- 
tion in 1881 served to bring the lesson of the South's needs home with 
greater impact, and when it was over, the words of Henry W. Grady 
and F. W. Dawson served to stir the section to greater efforts. 

Many newspapers in North Carolina printed columns of information 
concerning the growth of the industry in the State; however, they were 
largely interested in local cotton mills rather than in promotional cam- 
paigns. Some editors attempted to capitalize on the growing industry 
by combining public service with making profits. The editor of The 
Raleigh News circularized all the cotton mills with the following propo- 

I propose making in the columns of the Daily and Weekly News, a com- 
plete exhibit of the Manufacturing power of North Carolina, taking the 
cotton factories first; my object being to show the world what we are doing 
in this line, and to give some idea of the water power of the State. To 
execute my design, which I believe would redound to the general interest 
of the State, and of all concerned, your cordial cooperation is earnestly 
solicited. We will insert a sketch of your factory, which you may prepare, 
in both issues of our paper for the small cost of 25 cents per line, and call 
editorial attention to the same. We will also furnish as many copies as 
you may desire at 3 cents per copy. We would suggest the following outline 
as covering the leading points of interest. 1. The year in which it was 
established. 2. A concise outline of its history. 3. Its location, giving 
distance to nearest railway or steamboat line. 4. Whether run by water 
or by steam. 5. Character of the water power. 6. Class of goods manu- 
factured. 7. Number of spindles. 8. Number of operatives. 9. Annual 
consumption of cotton. 10. Any other facts of interest in value concerned 
with your enterprise. Your views on the subject of Manufacturing in N.C. 
would be of value and are respectfully solicited. 40 

The Farmer and Mechanic of Raleigh listed, in 1878, 52 cotton mills 
operating in the State. The editor stated that, although the "factories 
are small . . . they make a good beginning in anv rate. The number of 

46 Daily Charlotte Observer, January 15, 1879. 

M Johnston Jones to Malloy and Morgan, May 11, 1877, Cotton Mill Correspondence 
and Ledgers, 1871-1916 (Laurel Hill Factory), The George Washington Flowers Col- 
lection, Duke University, Durham. 

48 The North Carolina Historical Review 

looms as far as reported, is 1,464 and spindles 90,686. The aggregate 
capital is estimated at above $1,600,000 and of operatives employed 
2,288." Other large mills were reported then under construction. 47 

Fire and flood took their toll of the cotton mills in the postwar 
period, but in every case they were rebuilt or repaired. The Alamance 
Mills of E. M. Holt were burned, incurring a loss of $60,000. A local 
editor wrote that "this loss is a public one. A large number of opera- 
tives were employed and its celebrated plaids had an extensive sale all 
over the country." The mill was insured for $25,000 and, with the vast 
resources of the Holt family, was reopened in a short time. 48 The Big 
Falls Mill of the Murray brothers, also in Alamance County, was 
destroyed by fire with a large loss. The water power was bought by 
George W. Swepson who built a much larger mill at the site. The falls 
at that point had been used for cotton manufacture since 1832. The 
Great Falls Mill of the Richmond Manufacturing Company and that 
of James Aycock were damaged by a spring freshet, the former com- 
pany sustaining a loss of $10,000. 49 

The reconstruction of the cotton-textile industry took place largely in 
those areas where there had been a strong ante-bellum development. 
The town of Fayetteville began early to recover its industrial growth; 
within eight years of Sherman's devastating visit, four cotton mills were 
once more in operation and were making profits of 12 per cent and 
more. 50 By 1883 the banks of the Deep River were lined with 11 
cotton factories, nine of which were located in Randolph County. This 
County had had one of the heaviest concentrations of cotton mills be- 
fore the War; although they escaped any direct attack or damage as 
those in Fayetteville experienced, they were badly worn by the end of 
the War. In many cases they stopped, if at all, after the War, only for 
the installment of new machinery. In the 1870's new mills arose at the 
side of those which had been in operation for decades. There were 11 
mills, extending from Jamestown in Guilford County to Enterprise in 
Randolph. They had in operation 28,000 spindles and 750 looms, which 
gave employment to 1,200 hands and direct support to about 5,000 
persons. The capital invested in these mills was over three quarters of 
a million dollars. 51 Alamance County was not far behind Randolph, 
for by 1880 eight cotton mills, belonging almost exclusively to E. M. 

47 Daily Charlotte Observer, February 15, 1878, quoting The Farmer and Mechanic 

48 The Daily Journal, April 26, 1871. 

49 The Daily Journal, October 3, 1874, quoting the Observer (Rockingham). 

50 The Daily Journal, September 27, 1873, quoting The Eagle. 
81 Fayetteville Observer, November 15, 1883. 

Textile Industry, 1865-1885 49 

Holt and his sons and sons-in-law, were in operation there. 5 ' In 1884 
the number of mills in Alamance County had increased to 12 with 
three others in the process of construction; eight of these were Holt 
mills. Incomplete figures list them with 31,000 spindles, 930 looms, 
and 1,000 employees. The investment in six of these factories was 
$375,000. Thomas M. Holt's Granite Falls Mill was the largest and 
had been in operation since 1845. 53 By 1884 there were 75 cotton mills 
operating in North Carolina; of these, 35 had been established in the 
ante-bellum period. The industry had made great strides in the years 
between 1880 and 1884, for in the former year there were only 47 mills 
running, 36 of which were of ante-bellum origin. The five years begin- 
ning with 1880 showed a growth rate similar to the same period begin- 
ning in 1845; in the former period 28 mills were placed in operation, 
while in the latter period 22 cotton factories were established. The 
mills in the 1880's were larger mills as the circumstances of a changed 
age warranted. 54 

There seems no doubt that the growth of the postwar period in 
North Carolina was due largely to the efforts and example of those who 
had pioneered the industry before the War. That the business was and 
had been profitable could not be doubted, for in 1884, when he died, 
Edwin M. Holt, was accounted the wealthiest citizen of the State. These 
pioneers had promoted the idea of cotton mills, founded them invested 
in them, managed them, and believed in them. In the annals of North 
Carolina history the names of such men are legion. Without the ex- 
perience, the capital, the ambition, and the disciples of these pioneers, 
the textile industry of the State and the South would have barely be- 
gun the great expansion which, in the 30 years following 1884, saw the 
proud New England industry shaken to its foundations. 

The editor of The Daily Journal was expressing the thoughts of his 
contemporaries when he wrote with irony that 

if it shall turn out that one of the results of the war will be the transfer 
to the South of one of the most important industries of the North, we 
suspect that some of our brethern of the colder climes in America will be- 
gin to think the price paid for the preservation of the glorious Union was 
a trifle high. It is just possible when it shall be seen that the surrender 
of the cotton factories by the North is a sure consequence of the surrender 
of slaves by the South that the beauties of emancipation will not be so 
apparent. So far as we of the South are concerned, we say what we have 
always said, and that is we accept the situation. If the factories must come, 
we say let them come ! 55 

68 The Daily Journal, September 4, 1874, quoting the Charlotte Democrat. 
68 Branson's Directory, 1884, passim. 

M See Appendix at the end of this article for a list of mills operating from 1S65 to 


The Daily Journal, June 7, 1876. 






























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By Thomas C. Parramore * 

North Carolina has produced so few men of inventive genius that 
one might expect her to show special reverence for Richard Gatling. 
At the beginning of the present century he was undoubtedly the best- 
known Tarheel in the world. Yet the father of the Gatling gun and 
scores of other ingenious contrivances has been all but erased from the 
memory of his native State. The single token of North Carolina's re- 
gard is a historical highway marker near his Hertford County birth- 
place, itself a testament to decades of disregard. The cause is not 
difficult to fathom: The first use made of Gatling's revolutionary wea- 
pon was by the United States Army in the Civil War. 

'"'■■■ ' '*'- "' V .'*•.. -■••"', \ "V: 

Richard Jordan Gatling, inventor of the Gatling gun. From Potter's American 

* Mr. Parramore is an Instructor of History, Meredith College, Raleigh. 

Richard Jordan Gatling 55 

The Gatling family tree extended its first branch across the Virginia 
line into North Carolina in the latter part of the eighteenth century. 
In what was then a frontier environment Jordan Gatling at the end of 
the century cleared 80 acres of land on the north bank of the Meherrin 
River. By studiously minding his own business and bidding his neigh- 
bors to do likewise Jordan acquired in 40 years a sprawling plantation 
of 1,200 acres and a number of Negro slaves. In the course of those 
years a twenty-by-sixteen log cabin gave way to a handsome "great 
house" behind which the cabin came to serve as the kitchen. 1 

Jordan Gatling was by nature uncommonly independent and re- 
sourceful, valuable qualities to be sure but unrelieved by any hint of 
social grace. When he wanted diversion from his work he found it in 
the solitary pastime of whittling. His collection of walking sticks was 
the marvel of the Maney's Neck neighborhood. Serpents coiled menac- 
ingly up the shanks of his canes and menageries of animals filled the 
interstices. The prize cane bore a total of 500 words of Roman text, 
including brief essays, poems, and the names of famous men of history 
equal, thought one who saw them, "to anything possible to the deftest 
Japanese whittler in delicacy of execution and minute accuracy of 
design and finish." 2 Jordan's neighbors watched him from afar and 
were never quite able to resolve the mixture of loathing and admiration 
which his eccentric personality evoked. A diarist down the road, sum- 
ming up Jordan's life at its conclusion, could observe that he "possessed 
more enterprise than any man in the county . . . ," while adding in the 
same breath that "no one, not one of his neighbors, save his immediate 
family, regrets his death." 3 County historian John Wheeler Moore 
thought years afterward that "Charles Dickens would have delighted 
in his acquaintance and the portrayal of his oddities. While still in 
vigorous old age he was cut down amid safe predictions on the part 
of his neighbors that they should never look upon his like again. Jordan 
Gatling was a man of strange conceits and stranger actions." 4 

In striking contrast to the unsocial nature of Jordan Gatling was the 
outgoing benevolence of his wife, Mary Barnes Gatling. Long after she 
had reared the youngest of her five children and sent them out to make 
their way in the world she was remembered riding about the Maney's 
Neck countryside in a top gig drawn by an old gray horse, paying visits 

1 Charles Henry Foster, "The Modern Vulcan," Potter's American Monthly, XII (May, 
1879), 336, hereinafter cited as Foster, "The Modern Vulcan." 

2 Foster, "The Modern Vulcan," 332. 

"Diary of William Darden Valentine, April 24, 1848, Southern Historical Collection, 
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. 

'John Wheeler Moore, "Historical Sketches of Hertford County, Ch. XLVII," Albe- 
marle Inquirer (Murfreesboro), September 27, 1877. 

56 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to her neighbors and lending a helping handi wherever she could. 5 

Like a manorial estate the Gatling plantation was almost completely 
self-contained and self-sufficient. Jordan was his own blacksmith and 
carpenter. When he became impatient with the tortuous process of 
planting and thinning cotton by hand he thought the problem through 
and invented both a cotton planter and a cotton thinner and for years 
performed by machine the work his neighbors handled according to 
the technique of the late Middle Ages. All this was done in spite of 
Abolitionist injunctions that the ownership of slaves was supposed to 
curtail inventive genius in a society. In constructing these devices, both 
patented in 1835, Jordan was assisted by his sons Richard and James 
Henry, each of whom was destined to turn the experience to account 
in inventions of his own. 6 

Of the Gatling children, Thomas B., James Henry, and Mary Ann 
were older than Richard, while Martha and William J. were younger. 
William went west to mine silver in Colorado and Canada, practiced 
law for a time in Wisconsin, and returned to Hertford County in the 
latter part of the century to serve his remaining years as clerk of court. 
James Henry spent much of his life pondering the riddles of flight and 
actually constructed a hand-powered aircraft in the 1870's. An in- 
triguing combination of triangular wings and twin blower-type pro- 
pellers, the craft came to grief against an oak tree on its maiden flight. 
It was still grounded when James Henry was murdered at the hog pen 
in 1879. Despite his impractical attempts to fly he inherited no small 
measure of the Gatling gift for contrivance. He invented and patented 
an entirely level-headed machine for chopping cotton stalks and a 
novel method of converting common old-field pine into lightwood. 
After Jordan Gatling died in 1848, James Henry and neighbor Jethro 
Barnes were the only two patenting inventors left in the County. 7 

Richard Jordan Gatling was born on his father's Maney's Neck 
plantation on September 12, 1818. His brief formal education took 
place at nearby Buckhorn School, the tedium of which was compen- 
sated by the excellent fishing possibilities offered by the Meherrin. He 
and brother Henry fished with poles or, in the spring, small hand- 
seines handled from a dugout canoe three and a half feet wide and 
carved from a single tree, a type of boat that can still be found in use 

5 Benjamin Brodie Winborne, Colonial and State Political History of Hertford County 
(Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Printers, 1906), 175. 

6 State Chronicle (Raleigh), October 28, 1891, hereinafter cited as State Chronicle. 

7 F. Roy Johnson, "James Henry Gatling, the Tinkering Inventor," The Roanoke- 
Chowan Story , XII, 133-144. Johnson, formerly a Murfreesboro newspaper editor, 
pieced together the story of the Gatling aeroplane largely from interviews with aged 
local residents, who remembered having seen the craft as children. 

Richard Jordan Gatling 


Birthplace of Richard J. Gatling. From Potter's American Monthly 


on the Meherrin and Chowan rivers. 8 Richard probably stood in the 
avenue leading to the great house in February, 1825, when he was six 
years old to watch the Marquis de Lafayette ride by in his carriage 
en route to Murfreesboro, his first overnight stop on the famous south- 
ern tour. Shortly before Richard's thirteenth birthday in 1831, Nat 
Turner, a slave on the Travis plantation a few miles north, roused the 
neighborhood slaves for the greatest Negro insurrection in American 
history. For days Maney's Neck farms lay deserted as terrified families 
fled for safety to Murfreesboro. 

At the age of fifteen Gatling left Buckhorn School to become aman- 
uensis in the Murfreesboro office of County Clerk Lewis Meredith 
Cowper. After a year of copying records Richard went back to the 
farm to help his father and it was in the next few months that he 
helped in constructing Jordan's cotton machines. During the 1837- 
1838 school year Richard taught at an "old field" school in the lower 
part of the County, an experience distinguished by the part it played 
in the education of a future United States senator, Jesse J. Yeates. 9 
Shortly thereafter Gatling went into business for himself, opening a 
country store near the rural Hertford County community of Frazier's 
Cross Roads. 

It was during these years as a country merchant that young Richard 
Gatling contrived his first invention, a device more revolutionary than 
the machine gun he was destined to devise a quarter-centurv later. 

8 Foster, "The Modern Vulcan," 334. 
• State Chronicle, October 28, 1891. 

58 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The origin of his idea, as he recalled it long years afterward, came on 
a business trip he made to Norfolk, Virginia, for his father. While 
seated in the lobby of a hotel there, young Gatling overheard a group 
of naval officers discussing a new kind of propeller which was to be 
tested at Norfolk that afternoon. The Gatling curiosity was aroused 
enough to send him off to the waterfront to witness the trial. To his 
disappointment the new design "proved to be merely two paddle 
wheels placed horizontally one on either side near the stern of the 
boat. The forward part of the revolution was covered up in a com- 
partment built into the boat itself, the backward and propelling stroke 
only, taking effect in the water." 10 

It now seems clear that Gatling witnessed one of the first trials of 
William Wallace Hunter's little steamboat, the "Germ." This craft, 
50 feet long, nine feet in breadth and having a draft of two feet, under- 
went tests at Norfolk in the spring of 1841 and from there labored up 
to Washington, D. C., at the end of May. Hunter, a naval officer, for 
a time received government support in his horizontal-wheel experi- 
ments but the idea proved, in the long run, impracticable. 11 

Inefficient as it was, the Hunter wheels set Gatling to pondering the 
problems of marine propulsion as he rode back to Hertford County. 
In the weeks that followed he experimented on a small pond on his 
father's farm, at length working out a design on the windmill principle, 
four blades set at angles of 45 degrees about the axis of rotation, the 
whole propeller suspended so as to take effect in the water. The in- 
ventor saw a commercial future for his contrivance and asked his 
father for permission to go to Washington then and there to apply for 
a patent. Jordan, as the son later recalled it, "was cautious and said 
'Wait awhile.' ' 12 Consequently, seven months passed before Jordan 
consented to have his son leave for Washington. Upon exhibiting his 
invention at the Patent Office "he was informed that only a few days 
before, exactly the same thing had been patented." 13 John Ericsson's 
screw propeller was destined to revolutionize ocean transport within 
a decade. To the end of his life Gatling took pride in reminding in- 
terviewers that the idea was initially his own, developed on a farm 
pond in Maney's Neck. 

For four more years Richard Gatling tended the store at Frazier's 
Cross Roads, occasionally placing orders with his brother Henry, who 

10 State Chronicle, December 15, 1891. 

u American Beacon (Norfolk, Virginia), June 2, 1841. The writer is indebted to 
Alexander C. Brown of Newport News, Virginia, for calling his attention to Hunter's 
experiments with the "Germ" and similar craft. 

12 State Chronicle, December 15, 1891. 

18 State Chronicle, December 15, 1891. 

Richard Jordan Gatling 59 

for a while kept a store in Winton, eight miles north. On July 21, 1842, 
he professed religion for the first time by becoming a member of the 
nearby Union Methodist Church. In the course of these years Gatling's 
mind continued active in mechanical experiments, culminating in the 
perfection of a machine that would earn for him his first fortune. 

Patented in May, 1844, the new machine was a rice-seed planter, 
a refinement and adaptation of his father's cotton planter of nine years 
before. The rice-planter was a rectangular, horizontal frame, drawn 
upon a roller by horse or other source of power. Seed in a hopper above 
the frame dropped through a perforated leather bottom in the hopper 
onto channels in a roller underneath. The roller channels carried the 
seed around to inclined spouts. Drills forward of these spouts made 
furrows into which the seed were deposited. The design called for five 
spouts and drills in a row diagonal to the furrows though presumably 
more might be added. Oblique scrapers or coverers behind the spouts 
covered the seed in the furrows and a compacting roller behind the 
scrapers packed the earth tightly over the seed. It was the motion of 
this compacting roller as it was drawn along the furrows which, by 
cogs or band pulleys, turned the channeled roller under the seed 
hopper. 14 

There is more significance to this innocent seed planter than meets 
the eye. Suppose that instead of rice seed the operator dropped bullets 
into the hopper, that the motive power of the rollers was a hand 
crank, and that the spouts were arranged according to Samuel Colt's 
principle of the revolving barrel. Such a device would employ the basic 
features of the greatest engine of destruction developed in the nine- 
teenth century, the machine gun. 15 The Gatling gun was the child of 
the rice-planter and the grandchild of old Jordan Gatling's determina- 
tion to see his cotton planted more efficiently. 

By the summer of 1844 Jordan Gatling was in retirement and Henry 
had moved back to Maney's Neck to manage the plantation. Henry 7 
boasted in his account book that crops were excellent and that he 
"had cotton blooms 29th day of June" but storekeeping was beginning 
to weigh heavily on his brother's spirits. 16 The Albemarle region, bright 
with promise as the century opened, was rapidly losing its New Eng- 

14 United States Patent Office, Letters Patent No. 3,581, dated May 10, 1844. 

35 According to The News and Observer (Raleigh), February 24, 1963, Thomas 
Winborne of Raleigh at present owns a revolver which "furnished the idea for the 
famous gun." This six-shooter, identified as "Allen's Patent, 1837," was given to Win- 
borne's grandfather by Richard Gatling. 

18 Account book of James Henry Gatling. Typed copy in possession of F. Roy Johnson 
of Murfreesboro. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

land and West Indian trade to more accessible waterways. As many 
other young men of Albemarle had already done, Richard Gatling 
decided to seek his fortune in the West, finally fixing upon St. Louis 
as the most progressive city west of the Appalachians. In the autumn 
of 1844 he took what money he had, settled his affairs, mounted a 
horse, and set out for Raleigh on his way westward. 

Richard Gatling rode west to international renown. Converting his 
rice-planter to a wheat-planter in St. Louis, he amassed a handsome 
fortune on the midwestern plains. The idea for his machine gun came 
to him in 1862 and received its initial test in Virginia in the following 
year under the sponsorship of the United States government. Despite 
the brief and indecisive use of the gun against Confederate troops, 
many southerners never forgave what they regarded as Gatling's 
treachery. North Carolina, unstinting in memorials to petty politicians 
in legion, has permitted the name of Gatling to fade into obscurity. 
Sic transit gloria mundi. 


Drawings for R. J. Gatling's seed -planter, patented May 10, 1844. The drawings and 
the specifications, reproduced on the opposite page, are from the files of the 
National Archives, Washington, D. C. 

Richard Jordan Gatling 


United States Patent Office. 


Specification forming part of Letters Patent No. 3,581, dated May 10, 1844. 

To all whom it may concern: 

Be it known that J, Richard J. Gatling, 
of Murfreesborough, in the county of Hertford 
and State of North Carolina, have invented 
a new and useful Improvement iu Machines 
for Plauting Rice and other Grain and Seeds, 
which is described as follows, reference being 
had to the annexed drawings of the same, 
making part of this specification. 

Figure 1 is a top view. Fig. 2 is a side ele- 
vation. Fig. 4 is a front view of the spouts, 
the coverers, and the grooved roller. 

This machine consists of a rectangular hori- 
zontal frame, A, in which are placed drills B 
for opening or making parallel trenches or fur- 
rows to receive the rice; a hopper, C, having" 
a perforated leather bottom, D, in which the 
rice to be planted is put; a revolving channeled 
or perforated roller, E, for receiving the rice 
from the hopper C and depositing the same 
into inclined spouts F, which conduct it to the 
furrows made by the drills B, and oblique 
scrapers or coverers S following said spouts 
for coveriug the rice; a roller, G, for rolling 
the earth hard down upon the rice; cog-wheels 
H, or baud-pulleys, on the axles of said rollers, 
couuected together, the power to turn the same 
being derived from the animal drawing the 
machine aud the friction of the large roller G 
upon the ground ; handles 1 to guide the ma- 
chine; a wheel or wheels, J, placed iu the for- 
ward part of the frame to regulate or deter- 
mine the depth of entrance of the drills, and 
consequently the depth of the furrows. These 
parts are made of auy suitable material aud of 
any convenient size or proportion, and the ar- 
rangement of the gearing may be varied so as 
to cause the channeled roller to turn toward 
or from the hopper, and may bo placed inside 
or outside the frame. 

The channeled roller E is placed perpendicu- 
larly under the hopper C, aud the spouts F are 
placed under the channeled roller with their 
points near the heels of the drills B, said spouts 
being fastened to the frame A. The coverer 
S is placed behind the spouts F and in front 
of the roller G, and said coverer is also fast- 
ened to the frame A. (Represented by do. ted 
lines at S in Fig. 1.) 

The leather or elastic bottom D of the hop- 
per will yield when anj r grain falls between 
the edges of the leathern bottom and the outer 
surface of the grooved cylinder, and thus will 
the grain be prevented >V«>in being broken or 

Operation : The rice to be planted is put into 
the hopper 0. The machine is drawn forward 
by animal or other power. The drills B open 
the furrows. The friction of roller G upon the 
ground turns cog- wheel II ou its axle. This 
turns cog- wheel H' on the axle'of the chan- 
neled roller E, and also roller IS. The latter 
receives the rice in its channels IVom the aper- 
tures in the leather bottom of the hopper and 
conveys it round to the spouts F, which con- 
duct it to the furrows and deposit it therein. 
The oblique scrapers S, following after them, 
cover the earth over the rice. The roller G 
rolls the earth. 

What I claim as my invention, and desire 
to secure by Letters Patent, is — 

The combination and arrangement of the 
perforated hopper C D, revolving channeled 
cylinder E, and inclined conducting-spouts F, 
as above described. 



Wm. P. Elliot, 
Brnj. Roop. 


CAROLINA, 1904-1906 

By David C. Roller" 1 

In 1894 and again in 1896 the Populist and the Republican parties 
of North Carolina co-operated (or "fused," as the Democrats said) to 
defeat the Democrats, and to gain control of the legislature and the 
governorship. When the Democrats were returned to the legislature 
in 1898, they were determined to consolidate their victory in such a 
way that the Republicans might never again repeat their successes of 
that time. The Democrats enacted a system of highly partisan election 
laws and then, despite their earlier campaign pledges, proposed a con- 
stitutional amendment disfranchising the Negro ballot. 1 Disfranchise- 
ment cost the Republicans an estimated 50,000 votes, 2 and throughout 
the next 50 years the North Carolina Republican Party was unable to 
elect a governor or a State officer and managed to elect only eight 
congressmen. Although the Republicans drew from one-third to nine- 
twentieths of the popular vote, they were without influence and ef- 
fective representation. 

Yet, this prolonged condition of political ineffectiveness was not 
anticipated or inevitable in the first years of the century. Indeed, there 
were several reasons for supposing that the Republicans might suc- 
ceed in organizing a strong and successful party in North Carolina. 
Many Republicans, although granting that disfranchisement had cost 

* Mr. Roller is a doctoral candidate and Instructor in History at Duke University. 

x Hugh Talmage Lefier and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina: The History of 
a Southern State (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1954), 522- 
525. Mississippi in 1890, South Carolina in 1895, and Louisiana in 1898 had already 
legally excluded the Negro ballot. Alabama, Georgia, Virginia, and Oklahoma then 
followed North Carolina in this action. 

The George Washington Flowers Collection, Duke University, and the Southern His- 
torical Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, contain a great deal of 
material on the Republican Party during this period. There is, however, a paucity of 
information about Congressman E. Spencer Blackburn's effort to gain control of the 
Party. The Marion Butler Collection in the Southern Historical Collection is still 
closed for the period after 1900. The William Garrott Brown and the J. Elwood Cox 
collections in the George Washington Flowers Collection and the James Graham Ram- 
say and the Willis Grandy Briggs collections, Southern Historical Collection, provide 
only oblique and highly personal references relating to this subject. Thus contemporary 
newspaper accounts provide the major source of information about this portion of the 
history of the Republican Party in North Carolina. 

a Hugh Talmage Lefler, History of North Carolina (New York: Lewis Historical 
Publishing Company, 4 volumes, 1956), II, 702. 

Republican Factionalism, 1904-1906 63 

a large number of votes, considered the amendment to be the begin- 
ning of a new day for their party. As long as the Negro was identified 
with the Republicans, it was impossible to enlist the support of a ma- 
jority of the white population and to build a strong State party com- 
posed solely of white voters. With the Negro effectively eliminated 
from State politics, Republicans could canvass as a second white man's 
party, and the Democrats could no longer equate Republicanism with 
Negro domination. 

The gradual industrialization of North Carolina suggested a second 
reason for Republican optimism. In 1900 the State was still on the 
margin of the nation's industrial economy and could hardly be de- 
scribed as "industrialized" with only one-thirtieth of its population 
engaged in manufacturing. Nevertheless, a self-conscious group of 
entrepreneurs, most of whom were voting Republican in national poli- 
tics, had arisen; and Republican leaders sought to convert these people 
to the Republican faith and doctrines on the State level as well. 3 

The conversion of "good" "white" southerners to the support, if not 
always to the faith, of Republicanism was made easier by the popu- 
larity of the Party's national standard-bearer, Theodore Roosevelt. 
His mother was from Georgia and he had Confederate uncles; this 
made him "half-southern" and as irresistible to Dixie as he was to the 
nation as a whole. Within weeks after becoming President, Roosevelt 
appointed a conservative and Democratic former governor of Alabama 
to a federal judgeship. The South was "delighted," southern news- 
papers predicted a "new era of good feeling," and many Republicans 
optimistically envisioned the section's flocking to the Roosevelt ban- 
ner. 4 

Nevertheless, despite their use of the mantle of Roosevelt's popu- 
larity and their diligent efforts to develop the growing power of the 
business community as a political base, the Republicans of North Caro- 
lina failed to build the virile and successful party which many of them 
had envisioned as their future. The Republicans were aware of their 
party's opportunity for political growth, but they were unable to or- 
ganize the sustained, unified, and concerted program needed to culti- 
vate this promise of future success. Intraparty lawsuits, convention 
contests, and the running race for federal patronage provided con- 
stant distractions and frequent fissions within the ranks of the State 

8 Dan Mabry Lacy, "The Beginnings of Industrialism in North Carolina: 1865-1900" 
(unpublished master's thesis, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1935), 

4 Dewey W. Grantham, Jr., "Dinner at the White House: Theodore Roosevelt, Booker 
T. Washington, and the South," Tennessee Historical Quarterly, XVII (June, 1958), 
112-113, 129. 

64 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Republican organization. This chronic factionalism, and not the dis- 
franchisement amendment, was responsible for crippling the Repub- 
lican Party during the early years of this century. 

Illustrative of this internecine feuding was the challenge of E. Spen- 
cer Blackburn to the Republican organization from 1904 to 1906. While 
Roosevelt carried West Virginia and Missouri in the November elec- 
tions of 1904, North Carolina Republicans reduced the Democratic 
gubernatorial majority of 1900 from 60,000 to 49,000, and they elected 
Blackburn to Congress from the Eighth Congressional District. Black- 
burn was the only State Republican to hold federal office by election 
and, although he had only a 245-vote majority, he had won this con- 
test in the face of opposition from several ranking Republicans. 5 Specu- 
lation began immediately after his victory as to whether Blackburn, 
in his unique public position, would displace State Chairman Thomas 
S. Rollins as dispenser of federal patronage. If Blackburn were given 
control of patronage, he would naturally oust such officeholders as 
United States District Attorney A. E. Holton, who had opposed the 
new congressman's nomination and election. 6 

Roosevelt announced that Virginia's lone Republican congressman, 
Campbell B. Slemp, would control the patronage which formerly had 
been dispensed by the "Old Dominion's" State chairman, but the 
President gave no indication of following a similar policy in North 
Carolina. Rollins, after all, had a powerful friend and ally in Marion 
Butler, a former North Carolina senator and Populist Party national 
chairman. Butler, a new convert to progressive Republicanism and a 
"friend" of the President, was a major power behind Rollins and an old 
foe of many of Blackburn's supporters. If Blackburn was to gain con- 
trol of the State organization and of federal patronage, he would have 
to wrest it from Butler, Rollins, and their supporters. 

The initial contest between these groups arose, not over patronage, 
but over the establishment of a Republican daily newspaper. At a time 
when news coverage was slanted more often than not to the political 
views of a newspaper's owners, and in a State blanketed by Demo- 
cratic presses, a daily newspaper was essential if the Republican view 
of the news was to be presented as the events occurred. There was 
good reason for supposing that an effort to publish such a daily news- 
paper in Greensboro would be successful, and the two factions of the 
Republican Party began a race to found such a journal. 

On May 31, 1905, Congressman Blackburn chartered a corporation 

B The Morning Post (Raleigh), December 4, 1904, hereinafter cited as The Morning 
Post Blackburn had received a total of 15,566 votes to 15,321 for his opponent. 
6 The Morning Post, November 27, 1904. 

Republican Factionalism, 1904-1906 65 

which would publish the Greensboro Daily Tar Heel. He had been 
preceded in calling at the Secretary of State's office, however, by Judge 
Spencer B. Adams who had, less than an hour before, incorporated 
the Daily Industrial News, also in Greensboro, for a group headed by 
Rollins, Butler, and Holton. 7 The two factions competed all summer 
for support for their respective dailies, but Butler and Rollins suc- 
ceeded in publishing their paper first. 

Blackburn's projected newspaper eventually appeared in Greensboro 
as a weekly and immediately assumed a distinctly anti-Rollins and 
anti-Butler posture. 8 It dismissed the Daily Industrial News as the 
personal spokesman of Butler and proclaimed itself to be "against the 
arrogated powers of an office-holding oligarchv, headed and domi- 
nated by the repudiated Boss of another party/' 9 The more genteel 
Daily Industrial News ignored the remarks of its contemporary and 
refused even to carry a news item noting the initial publication of the 
weekly. Fuss and fume as the Tar Heel might, Blackburn had lost his 
first contest to the State organization. 

Blackburn quickly regrouped his forces and soon issued a reform 
platform of 22 points. The Congressman called for the replacement of 
the "patronage machine" with a vigorous popular party, and he spoke 
against the leadership of the Republican Party by Marion Butler, the 
"repudiated leader of another party/' The "reformer" was also opposed 
to reappointment of any federal officeholder who had served two terms 
of office. 10 Since most incumbents were supporters of the Rollins-Butler 
combine, the policy of limiting officials to two terms of office would 
have struck at the core of the organization's support and opened in- 
numerable positions to be filled by Blackburn's men. Blackburn's sug- 
gestion was probably better as a political expedient than as a plank 
of progressive reform. 

A week after issuing his 22-point manifesto, Blackburn went to 
Washington at the head of a "flying squadron" of 20 North Carolina 
Republicans. In an hour-long interview with Roosevelt, the Blackburn 
group protested against the influence of Butler and against Rollins' 
"office brokerage." u The President agreed to look into the matter and 
directed Attorney General William H. Moody and Republican National 
Chairman and Postmaster General George B. Cortelyou to conduct an 

7 The Morning Post, June 1, 2, 3, 1905. 

8 Weekly Tar Heel (Greensboro), hereinafter cited as Weekly Tar Heel, began pub- 
lication on November 9, 1905. The Daily Industrial News (Greensboro), hereinafter 
cited as Daily Industrial News, first appeared on October 8, 1905. 

9 Weekly Tar Heel, November 16, 1905. 

10 Weekly Tar Heel, December 7, 1905. 

11 Charlotte Daily Observer, December 15, 1905. 

66 The North Carolina Historical Review 

analytical study of North Carolina politics. The Blackburn group 
greeted this action as a highly favorable sign and its first significant 
victory. 12 

The White House visit was soon followed by Roosevelt's nomination 
of Blackburn's men as postmasters in Goldsboro and Greensboro. This 
was a new peak for Blackburn's influence, as organization-backed 
candidates were passed over in both instances; the Greensboro ap- 
pointment especially had been tagged by Butler and Rollins for the 
Editor of their Daily Industrial News, Robert Dick Douglas. (Douglas 
was the grandson of the famous Stephen A. Douglas and the son of a 
prominent North Carolina Republican, Robert M. Douglas. ) The State 
organization was observably jarred by these nominations, and the 
Washington correspondent of the Democratic Charlotte Daily Ob- 
server reported that: 

The prediction is now being freely made that the President has concluded 
to deal with Mr. Blackburn in his representative capacity and that he will, 
before a great while, secure the scalps of others who have been known as 
his opponents. 13 

Chairman Rollins, National Committeeman Carl E. Duncan, and a 
disappointed Editor Douglas made a beeline for Washington to meet 
with Butler and to make an appeal to the President. 14 There, although 
they failed to persuade Roosevelt to withdraw his appointment of 
Blackburn's candidates, they apparently won an even greater victory. 
Postmasterships were key plums for rank-and-file support; but the two 
district attorney positions and those of the two United States revenue 
collectors and the two United States district marshals of the State 
represented six positions which a group of major postmasterships could 
not equal. Three of these posts required new appointments and all 
three were awarded to the organization forces. The President renomi- 
nated District Attorney Holton, a principal political foe of the Con- 
gressman; he passed over Blackburn's chief aide to reappoint Marshal 
J. M. Millikan, an organization Republican; and he awarded the other 
marshal's office to a candidate backed by Rollins. 15 

With the ambiguous Roosevelt swinging like a pendulum between 
the two factions, the patronage fight shifted to Congress where Black- 
burn used his congressional influence to tie up Holton's confirmation 
in the Senate Judiciary Committee. 16 Blackburn told the senators that 

Charlotte Daily Observer, December 21, 1905. 
Charlotte Daily Observer, January 25, 1906. 

14 Daily Industrial News, January 27, 1906. 

15 Daily Industrial News, February 6, 1906. 

16 Daily Industrial News, February 10, 1906. 


Republican Factionalism, 1904-1906 67 

Holton placed politics above his duties as district attorney, and the 
Congressman secured even Democratic support for his opposition to 
the incumbent. 17 

The appointment of Holton was both a personal fight between 
Blackburn and Holton and a test of strength between Blackburn and 
the organization. The Congressman had used his position in Congress 
to check Holton, and the District Attorney countered by using his office 
against Blackburn. Holton presented a bill of indictment charging 
Blackburn with illegally practicing law before the Department of 
Justice. Blackburn yelled "politics," but the grand jury indicted him on 
eight counts and the seesaw battle for power continued. 18 

The Charlotte Daily Observer suggested in an editorial that Holton 
was acting under the direction and with the approval of the national 
administration in an attempt to curb the rambunctious Congressman, 19 
but it is impossible to substantiate this idea from Roosevelt's actions. 
One week before the indictment, the President had withdrawn the 
nominations of Blackburn's men for Goldsboro and Greensboro; then 
three days after the grand jury's report, he resubmitted their names 
and was reported pressing for their confirmation. 20 

Publicly, Blackburn was undismayed, but his political stature was 
clearly shortened under the force of his indictment. Despite the Con- 
gressman's testimony, the Senate confirmed Holton's nomination; and, 
despite Roosevelt's urgings, Butler managed to tie up the approval of 
Blackburn's Greensboro and Goldsboro postmasterships. 21 

The basis of the indictment was a statute directing that: 

^ No Senator, Representative, or Delegate, after his election and during 
his continuance in office . . . shall receive or agree to receive any compensa- 
tion whatever, directly or indirectly, for any services rendered, or to be 
rendered, to any person ... in relation to any proceeding, contract, claim, 
controversy, charge, accusation, arrest, or other matter or thing in which 
the United States is a party. . . P 

To remove the trial from the influence of State politics, Holton was 
replaced as prosecutor by a federal attorney from Virginia, and a judge 

17 Charlotte Daily Observer, February 11, 15, 1906. 
™ Charlotte Daily Observer, February 22, 1906. 

18 Charlotte Daily Observer, February 22, 1906. 

20 Charlotte Daily Observer, February 14, 25, 1906. 

21 Charlotte Daily Observer, April 8, 1906. 

23 Title XIX, Section 1782, Revised Statutes of the United States, Passed at the First 
Session of the Forty-Third Congress, 1878-187 'U (Washington: Government Printing 
Office, 1878), 316. Conviction under this statute carried with it imprisonment for not 
more than two years, a fine of not more than $10,000, and prohibition from holding 
public office. 

68 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from outside the State was brought in to preside. Blackburn's defense 
was based on the point that each instance on which he was charged 
with practicing law illegally had occurred prior to undertaking his 
duties as an actual member of Congress. The trial went on for three 
days, but the judge, at the conclusion of his directions to the jury, dis- 
missed the case with this instruction: 

If you should bring in a verdict of guilty I would promptly set it aside, 
so to avoid further delay in this unfortunate case I herewith direct you to 
write the words "not guilty" upon each of the eight indictments against 
the defendant. 23 

Reaction to the verdict was mixed. The Daily Industrial News hoped 
editorially that the verdict would be the end of the dispute and called 
for unity, 24 but Butler labeled Blackburn a "fool" who had narrowly 
"escaped the penitentiary." 25 The Democratic Charlotte Daily Obser- 
ver, however, considered the indictment to have been a "flimsy case" 
and the aquittal to have given Blackburn "supreme" power within the 
Eighth District. 26 

Blackburn remained in Greensboro long enough to organize his 
campaign for State chairman and then he confidently returned to 
Washington. After the Congressman visited the White House, the 
Washington Star, a Roosevelt organ, opined that "Mr. Blackburn will 
put the Butler-Rollins combination out of business." 27 Indeed, Roose- 
velt's patronage appointments did appear to support Blackburn. Two 
Blackburn nominees for postmasters were confirmed and, to everyone's 
surprise, a Blackburn nominee ousted an organization incumbent as 
the second North Carolina collector of revenue. 28 The collectorship 
was the greatest patronage plum that Blackburn had received during 
his contest with the organization, 29 a contest which was fast approach- 
ing its climax. A new State chairman was to be elected at the Party's 
State convention in July, and Blackburn's lieutenants were vigorously 
soliciting delegates. 

88 Daily Industrial News, April 21, 1906. 

24 Daily Industrial News, April 21, 1906. 

x The Caucasian (Raleigh), May 3, 1906. 

28 Charlotte Daily Observer, April 21, 1906. 

21 The Star (Washington, D. C), quoted in the Charlotte Daily Observer, May 11, 

28 Charlotte Daily Observer, June 1, 19, 1906. 

* R 9 os eyelt, in his letter to the new collector, George H. Brown, explicitly forbade the 
use of this federal office "in any shape or way in the faction contest between Mr. 
Blackburn and Mr. Blackburn's opponents." Nevertheless, the ouster of the organiza- 
tion s incumbent in favor of Blackburn's nominee was an unquestioned laurel for the 
Congressman. Theodore Roosevelt to George H. Brown, June 20, 1906, Elting E. 
Morison (ed.), The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Har- 
vard University Press, 8 volumes, 1951-1954), V, 308. 

Republican Factionalism, 1904-1906 69 

At the end of May, with the organization clearly on the defensive, 
Rollins, Holton, and Duncan went to confer with Butler in Washing- 
ton. They still controlled the convention's program, but more than an 
agenda was needed to turn the increasing power of the warring Con- 
gressman. A strategy was agreed upon, and on the day following this 
Washington conference, Chairman Rollins resigned. Judge Spencer B. 
Adams was selected to fill out Rollins' term. Blackburn admitted that 
the change was a "distinct surprise," but considered the change to 
represent no lessening of Butler's hated influence. 30 Adams immediately 
began to marshal the machine's support. 

Blackburn's strength was localized in the western counties in and 
surrounding his congressional district. The core of the organization's 
support came from the eastern counties where, except for Butler's 
Sampson County, Republicans were seldom elected to office, and party 
members had accustomed themselves to the discipline ( and the patro- 
nage) of the State organization. Adams' problems was, therefore, to 
obtain as much support as possible from the western and central coun- 
ties where large numbers of Republicans viewed Blackburn as an 
insurgent "mountaineer" who was corroding the strength of the Party 
in a factional war for his personal aggrandizement. 

In addition to the questions of Blackburn's personal following op- 
posed to the State organization and of east-west sectional differences, 
the hazy question of presidential politics further beclouded the contest 
for the State chairmanship. Although Blackburn's Weekly Tar Heel 
described itself as "Republican of the Roosevelt-tvpe," it was fonder of 
recalling the glories of Hayes, Harrison, and McKinley than of lauding 
the reforming Roosevelt. Blackburn himself had courted the favor of 
several presidential hopefuls, and there were rumors that, should 
Blackburn gain control, the State convention would declare its support 
of House Speaker Joseph Cannon for President. 31 Butler, on the other 
hand, was a faithful supporter of the progressive policies of Roosevelt 
and was hopeful that he would accept a third term. If Roosevelt de- 
clined, the ex-Populist was willing to support Roosevelt's favorite, 
Secretary of War William Howard Taft. 

The extent to which Blackburn's un-Rooseveltian intentions affected 
the alignment of Republicans in the State cannot be determined, but 
they were a decisive influence on the President. Roosevelt had tried 
to maintain the support of both factions; he enjoyed the backing and 
the support of Butler and the organization, but he respected the 

80 Weekly Tar Heel, May 31, 1906. 

81 Charlotte Daily Observer, May 27, 1906. 

70 The North Carolina Historical Review 

popular success of the maverick Congressman. When Blackburn ap- 
peared to be stepping away from the President's political camp, how- 
ever, three Rooseveltian thunderbolts fell on North Carolina Republi- 
cans. Butler and Adams announced that Taft, Roosevelt's trouble- 
shooter in international, national, and Republican Party politics, would 
be the keynote speaker at the State convention under the slogan 
"Adams and Harmony." 32 Then the Party received a letter from Re- 
publican National Chairman Cortelyou. It was addressed to "My dear 
Mr. Adams": 

I am deeply interested in the convention, and believe that if properly 
conducted upon broad lines of harmonious action, in the furtherance of 
clean politics, it will exert a powerful influence for good in the affairs of 
North Carolina. In a state as well as in national affairs a clear definition 
of party lines, based upon well-defined policies, is a vital factor in the 
struggle for good government. As a necessary feature of such political 
alignments, there must be party organization — an organization that rep- 
resents not an individual or a faction, but the fundamental principles for 
which the party stands** 

If these two actions left any room for doubt as to the attitude of the 
national administration, Roosevelt emphasized his support of the State 
organization with a convention-eve patronage nomination. Butler had 
bottled up the confirmation of Blackburn's Greensboro postmastership, 
and now Roosevelt, with a most dramatic effect, withdrew the nomina- 
tion of the Congressman's candidate and replaced it with that of 
R. D. Douglas, editor of the organization's daily paper. 

Meanwhile, the organization had been countering Blackburn's drive 
for delegates with a counterdrive of its own. Adams was attending as 
many county conventions as he was able, Butler presented the or- 
ganization's case to old friends and enemies alike through the mails, 
and the Daily Industrial News increased its attack upon the challeng- 
ing Congressman. The tide had apparently turned by the week before 
the convention when Judge W. P. Bynum, Jr., publicly endorsed 
Chairman Adams for re-election. 34 Bynum had been a steadfast sup- 
porter of Blackburn and had served as the chief attorney defending 
the Congressman in the trial of the preceding April; his defection 
represented the growing reluctance of the party members to take on 
the organization in an open fight. 

Indeed, the theme of Secretary Taft's message in Greensboro was a 

^Daily Industrial News, June 23, 1906. 

" Daily Industrial News, July 10, 1906. Italics added by the author. 

81 Daily Industrial News, July 7, 1906. 

Republican Factionalism, 1904-1906 71 

warning against such an intraparty squabble. His judgment that the 
existence of federal patronage hindered rather than abetted State 
Republicans received the greatest attention from the Democratic pa- 
pers, but more central to his thought was an appeal for harmony and 
unity; without this condition, Taft warned, the State's "men of sub- 
stance" would refuse to support the Republican cause. 35 

The work of Adams, the campaign of the Daily Industrial News, 
President Roosevelt's quiet strength, and the resilience of the organiza- 
tion were together enough to check the insurgent Blackburn. During 
a riotous and disorderlv session, 55 per cent of the delegates stood by 
the organization and Judge Adams was re-elected State chairman. 38 

His long campaign to overthrow the existing organization had ended 
in defeat, and Blackburn, at the conclusion of the balloting, personally 
moved that Adams' election be made unanimous. The organization 
took its cue and made one of Blackburn's lieutenants, W. S. Pearson, 
permanent party secretary. The contest had been earnestly and bitterly 
fought, but a reconciliation was accomplished. The organization's 
Daily Industrial News switched from its attacks on Blackburn to call 
for peace. 

Let us have peace. And when we say peace we mean peace that comes 
from mutual determination to give and take, peace that implies a mutual 
consideration and respect for the rights of all men within the party. . . . 

Let us have peace, and secure in all that peace, let us Republicans, one 
and all, put our shoulders to the wheel and give to our new-elected [sic~\ 
state chairman a most whole-hearted and enthusiastic support and at the 
same time send to the next congress E. Spencer Blackburn, and if possible 
give him one or more associates to help him uphold the Republican 
banner. 37 

In turn, Blackburn's Tar Heel gave the appropriate response. 

The Convention is now a thing of the past and Mr. Adams will be State 
Chairman for the next two years. The factional fight has ceased and where 
strife and bitterness existed last week, friendship and harmony prevail 
today. . . . Mr. Adams is chairman of the party in the State. Mr, Blackburn 
is the only Republican Representative in Congress from the State. Upon the 
shoulders of these two strong, sturdy and stalwart men rests the destiny 
of the party — its integrity, its honor and its success. 38 


Daily Industrial News, July 10, 1906. 

Spencer B. Adams received 468 votes, E. Spencer Blackburn received 300 votes, 
and C. J. Harris (a dark horse, pro-Taft, antiorganization candidate) received 84 votes. 
Daily Industrial News, July 11, 1906. 

37 Daily Industrial News, July 11, 1906. 

38 Weekly Tar Heel, July 12, 1906. 


72 The North Carolina Historical Review 

If the unanimity which prevailed after Adams' election had con- 
tinued, the Blackburn fight might have been a beneficial catharsis for 
State Republicans. It was, however, only one of the running series of 
factional battles which dissipated the Republican Party's energy, 
money, and attention. It was a single instance of the factionalism 
which prevented the Republican Party from capitalizing upon a gen- 
uine opportunity for political growth in a southern State. 

The most frequent of these Republican cleavages originated— as they 
did during the period of Blackburn's challenge— over the distribution 
of federal patronage. Indeed, R. D. W. Connor has credited these 
patronage contests with checkmating the Party's chances for growth. 

. . . the Republicans of North Carolina, for a mess of Federal pottage, 
threw away the best chance their party ever had to lay the foundation of 
a strong party in a southern state. 39 

Yet, although the desire to secure a federal stipend was the motive 
of many individual candidacies, more than "spoils" was involved in 
these patronage appointments. Each appointment represented a pos- 
sible element of political power. Each postmastership and each revenue 
collectorship was viewed as a political pawn by would-be party chief- 
tains and by those who sought to influence the presidential nomina- 
tions of the national Republican Party. Even President Roosevelt, who 
wanted to raise the quality of federal appointments, was acutely aware 
of the political potentialities of patronage awards. Concerned over the 
threat which Mark Hanna's organizations in the southern States might 
pose to his renomination in 1904, Roosevelt built his own support 
through an astute distribution of patronage. With it he courted, at 
various times and often simultaneously, "Black and Tan" Republicans, 
"Lily White" Republicans, and conservative Democrats. In fact, "the 
one constant, continuing result of his Southern patronage policies was 
his surer control of the Republican party." 40 

Likewise, the patronage fights which divided North Carolina Re- 
publicans were often struggles for the components of party power. The 
most idealistic reformer and the most cynical machine boss would 
have found that as their control over federal appointments waxed or 
waned, so would their relative influence within the party organization 
vary. Thus, to say that the Republicans threw away a promising op- 

"^'/JSt-^' Connor » North Carolina: Rebuilding An Ancient Commonwealth, 158U- 
1925 (Chicago, Illinois: The American Historical Society, Inc., 4 volumes, 1929), II, 

40 John Morton Blum, The Republican Roosevelt (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Har- 
vard University Press, 1954), 47. 

Republican Factionalism, 1904-1906 73 

portunity for a "mess of Federal pottage" is misleading in the sugges- 
tion of a self-indulgent melee for the spoils of office. 

It is clear, however, that the Republicans, because of their chronic 
factionalism, forfeited their opportunity for growth. They competed 
for patronage, they fought lawsuits, and they contested State conven- 
tions. They dissipated their strength fighting one another when they 
should have been organizing a concentrated effort to build a vigorous 
second party in North Carolina. 




By William S. Powell* 

Fascinating passages in the scientific reports of Thomas Hariot and 
the reports of explorations by Amadas, Barlow, Lane, and others as- 
sociated with the Roanoke colonies between 1584 and 1590 were slow 
in losing their grip on the imagination of the English people. Even 
after the beginning of the seventeenth century several half-hearted 
attempts were made to locate the lost colonists whom Governor John 
White had failed to find in 1590. For one reason or another— to gather 
herbs for the London market or to follow vague Indian clues— these 
efforts came to naught. Books published for a number of years after- 
wards, however, repeated the facts first related by the literate mem- 
bers of the various expeditions and reprinted the map drawn by White. 

Explorations southward from Jamestown during the time of Captain 
John Smith were made to search for Sir Walter Raleigh's colonists, but 
from 1622 onward, after John Pory made an expedition simply to get 
an idea of the lay of the land, there were other motives for explora- 
tion. Rumors or hopes of finding gold, silver, and copper were always 
rife. In time, the expanded population in the Jamestown area caused 
the more venturesome to seek good tobacco land to the south. All of 
these efforts were spontaneous within the Virginia colony. But some 
of them had commercial overtones. Expeditions were sometimes for- 
mally organized and the sponsors' expectation of a profit from them 
prompted the publication of their findings with the hope of encourag- 
ing settlement. Large grants of land might be expected by those who 
could promise that the land would be settled. 

After 1663, when King Charles II granted the territory of Carolina 
to eight of his loyal supporters, there was increased activity in both 
exploration and publication. Some of the tracts and broadsides reported 
with a degree of accuracy the state of affairs in Carolina. Others, de- 

* Mr. Powell is Head of the North Carolina Collection, University of North Caro- 
lina at Chapel Hill. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 75 

signed only to lure colonists who would open up the country and begin 
to make the vast domain of the eight Lords Proprietors a source of 
profit, were misleading in the extreme. But venturesome Englishmen 
tell for the bait, and the printing press proved a useful ally in the Pro- 
prietors' frantic activity to lure settlers to Carolina. 

The term "promotional literature" has sometimes been applied to 
certain of the tracts issued for this specific purpose. But in effect every- 
thing not derogatory published about the American colonies in the 
seventeenth century was promotional, though sometimes not overtly 
so. Englishmen at home and Protestants on the continent were keenly 
interested in the American colonies. General geographical works nearly 
always devoted numerous pages to England s American possessions. 1 

Logically one might also class as promotional literature several other 
categories of seventeenth-century publications— the 1670 treaty of 
peace between Great Britain and Spain which related to the American 
colonies and the various editions of the Fundamental Constitutions 
of Carolina under which colonists might expect to live. There were 
also a few publications which were issued for personal reasons— those 
relating to Captain Henry Wilkinson, who had been appointed Gover- 
nor of Carolina; a notice by a merchant about outfitting colonists for 
the Atlantic voyage; or the proposal of a man with a new system for 
clearing land. 

As contemporary accounts of Carolina this varied assortment of 
tracts, broadsides, maps, and chapters in longer works represents an 
invaluable source. Some of the information contained there is ob- 
viously based on an intimate knowledge of the region, and much of 
it does not appear in the published Colonial Records of North Carolina 
or in other readily available sources. 2 These tantalizing glimpses of an 
earlier Carolina whet the appetite for further details. One could wish 
for more information, for instance, on Captain Dunbar, Clerk Ash and 

1 In this study I have intentionally omitted reference to publications which were based 
on information growing wholly out of the sixteenth-century explorations on and around 
Roanoke Island. For a fuller discussion of the role of promotional literature in the 
settlement of the American colonies, see Hope F. Kane, Colonial Promotion and Pro- 
motion Literature of Carolina, Pennsylvania and New Jersey, 1660-1700 (Ann Arbor, 
Michigan: Edwards Brothers, 1948), a 23-page abstract of her doctoral dissertation 
at Brown University, 1930, hereinafter cited as Kane, Colonial Promotion; Jarvis M. 
Morse, American Beginnings, Highlights and Sidelights of the Birth of the New World 
(Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1952), 86-88. 

2 Five of the entries in this bibliography (Publication Numbers, 6, 8, 9, 22, and 27) 
are reprinted in Alexander S. Salley, Jr., Narratives of Early Carolina, 1650-1708 
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1911). Four (Publication Numbers 4, 5, 7, and 
8) are reprinted in Peter Force, Tracts and other Papers, Relating Principally to the 
Origin, Settlement, and Progress of the Colonies in North America, From the Discovery 
of the Country to the Year 1776 (Washington: Peter Force, 4 volumes, 1836-1846). 
Publication Number 14 was reprinted in 1958 by the University of Virginia Press with 
an introduction and notes by William P. Cumming. 



76 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the "Richmond," or for a good account of Nathan Sumers' [sic] ma- 
chine, which sounds like a modern bulldozer, with which he proposed 
to clear land in Carolina. 3 

As sources for detailed information about transportation to Caro- 
lina, these pieces are unrivaled. Fares often are quoted, terms of pay- 
ment are set forth, sailing schedules are given, and lists of goods recom- 
mended to accompany the departing colonists are often repeated. 

An examination of the various publications, in chronological order, 
reveals how frequently one writer plagiarized another. Perhaps the 
work of John Lederer is more often quoted than any other. 4 Some 
writers were honest enough to indicate that they were quoting, but 
sources were seldom specifically cited. A chronological study also 
makes it clear as to when new information became available. 

There are also several cases in which printers and publishers were 
responsible for more than one title in this area. Thomas Harper, for 
example, printed both Edward Williams' Virgo Triumphans (1650) 
and Edward Bland's The Discovery of New Brittaine ( 1651 ) for John 
Stephenson. 5 The unidentified "J. C." who printed William Hilton's A 
Relation of a Discovery ( 1664 ) also printed John Lederer's Discoverie 
( 1672 ) , 6 Dorman Newman was responsible for having a second edition 
( 1678 ) printed of Richard Blome's A Description of the Island of Ja- 
maica ( 1672 ) and for the initial printing of Blome's The Present State 
of His Majesties Isles (1687). 7 Meyndert Uytweft of The Hague was 
the printer in 1685 and 1686 of items in French relating to Carolina. 

A study of the printers also reveals that material on Carolina was 
issued in London, Bristol, Dublin, The Hague, Rotterdam, and per- 
haps in Scotland and France. 8 

3 See Publication Numbers 22, 23, 25, and 26, below. 

* See Publication Number 14, below. 

6 Harper was a London printer who worked between 1641 and 1656. Several times 
during the Rebellion he was in trouble for printing works against Parliament. Stephen- 
son was a London bookseller during the years 1649-1652. Henry R. Plomer, A Dictionary 
of the Booksellers and Printers Who Were at Work in England, Scotland and Ireland 
from 16 Ul to 1667 (London: The Bibliographical Society, 1907), 91, 172, hereinafter 
cited as Plomer, A Dictionary of Booksellers, 16J/.1 to 1667. 

6 The only London printer known to be operating at this time whose initials were 
J. C. was James Cottrell. Works from his shop appeared for more than 20 years follow- 
ing 1649. During the Commonwealth some pamphlets from his press offended the 
authorities and in 1664, the year in which Hilton's Relation appeared, he was arrested 
for illegally printing law books. Plomer, A Dictionary of Booksellers, 16U1-1667, 54. 

7 Newman, a bookseller, was also one of the largest publishers of his day. Between 
1665 and 1694 he had four different shops in London. Henry R. Plomer, A Dictionary 
of the Printers and Booksellers Who Were at Work in England, Scotland and Ireland 
from 1668-1725 (Oxford: University Press, 1922), 217, hereinafter cited as Plomer, 
A Dictionary of Booksellers, 1668 to 1725. 

8 Information on many of the printers and booksellers associated with these works 
may be found in the two books by Plomer previously cited. The political sentiments 
of some of them suggest that they may have had more than a passing business interest 
in the promotion of the settlement of Carolina. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 


The following bibliography describes only the first edition but it 
should be noted that frequently subsequent editions were not mere 
reprints but in fact were revisions which presented the latest informa- 
tion available. Symbols used giving the location of copies are those 
used in the National Union Catalog of the Library of Congress. No at- 
tempt has been made to compile a census of all known copies; instead 
the locations recorded at the Library of Congress and in several stand- 
ard bibliographies have been given. 9 However, when five copies or 

9 Among the more important of these bibliographies are: George Watson Cole, A 
Catalogue of Books Relating to the Discovery and Early History of North and South 
America, Forming a Part of the Library of E. D. Church (New York: Dodd, Mead and 
Company, 5 volumes, 1907), hereinafter cited as Cole, A Catalogue of Books Relating 
to the Early History of North and South America; Joseph Sabin, A Dictionary of 
Books Relating to America From Its Discovery to the Present Time (New York: Joseph 
Sabin, 29 volumes, 1868-1936), hereinafter cited as Sabin, A Dictionary of Books Re- 
lating to America; Donald Wing, Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, 
Scotland, Ireland, Wales, and British America and of English Books Printed in Other 
Countries, 16U1-1700 (New York: Columbia University Press, 3 volumes, 1945-1951). 
The following location symbols have been used in accordance with the list in Symbols 
Used in the National Union Catalog of the Library of Congress (Washington: The 
Library of Congress, Eighth Edition, 1960). 
CLU-C University of California at Los Angeles 

CSmH Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif. 

CtY Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 

DFo Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington, D. C 

DGU Georgetown University, Washington, D. C. 

DLC Library of Congress, Washington, D. C 

DNLM National Library of Medicine, Washington, D. C 

DNR Department of Navy Library, Washington, D. C 

ICN Newberry Library, Chicago, 111. 

ICU University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 

IU University of Illinois, Urbana 

MA Amherst College, Amherst, Mass. 

MB Boston Public Library, Boston, Mass. 

MBAt Boston Athenaeum, Boston, Mass. 

MdBJ Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

MdBP Peabody Institute, Baltimore, Md. 

MH Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

MiD Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Mich. 

MiD-B Detroit Public Library, Burton Historical Collection, Detroit, Mich. 

MiU-C William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor 

MnU University of Minnesota, Minneapolis 

MWiW-C Chapin Library, Williams College, Williamstown, Mass. 

N New York State Library, Albany 

NcD Duke University, Durham 

NcD-L Law Library, Duke University 

NcU University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 

NHi New-York Historical Society, New York 

NjP Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

NjPT Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J. 

NN New York Public Library, New York 

NNUT-Mc McAlpine Collection, Union Theological Seminary, New York, N. Y. 
0C1 Cleveland Public Library, Cleveland, Ohio 

PBL t Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pa. 

PHC Haverford College, Haverford, Pa. 

PHi Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia 

PPAmP American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pa. 

PPiU University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pa. 

PPL Library Company of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, Pa. 

PPL-R Library Company of Philadelphia, Ridgeway Branch, Philadelphia, Pa. 

78 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fewer are located it may be assumed that no more are known. It should 
be noted that no copies are known of No. 34 in this bibliography, but 
the strong evidence of the existence of one in 1842 seems to warrant 
the inclusion of as much information as is known about it. 

1622 [1] 

Copland, Patrick 

Virginia's God be Thanked,/ or/ A Sermon of/ Thanksgiving/ for the 
happie/ success of the affayres in/ Virginia this last/ yeare./ Preached 
by Patrick Copland at/ Bow-Church in Cheapside, before the Honorable/ 
Virginia Company, on Thursday, the 18./ of April 1622. And now pub- 
lished by/ the Commandement of the said hono-/ rable/ Company./ . . . ./ 
[rule]/ London/ Printed by I. D. for William Sheffard and John Bellamie,/ 
and are to be sold at his shop at the two Grey-/ hounds in Corne-hill, neere 
the Royall/ Exchange. 1622./ 

13 x 17.6 cm. [6], 36, [6] p. CtY DFo ICN ICU MH NjP NN RPJCB ViU 

Copland apparently was the first to record in print a reference to an 
exploration of the Chowan River region made in February, 1622, by 
John Pory. The report by Pory that he had "past through great for- 
ests of Pynes 15. or 16. myle broad and above 60. mile long, which 
will serve well for Masts for Shipping, and for pitch and tarre, when 
we shall come to extend our plantatios to those borders," together with 
a few other facts or observations, was for many years the best seven- 
teenth-century eyewitness account of the region south of the James- 
town colony. The few facts provided by Pory were repeated by num- 
erous other writers for many years. 

1649 [2] 

Bullock, William 

Virginia/ Impartially examined, and left/ to publick view, to be considered 
by all Iudi-/ cious and honest men./ Under which Title is compre-/ hended 
the Degrees from 34 to 29, wherein/ lyes the rich and healthful Countries 
of Roanock,/ the now Plantations of Virginia/ and Mary-iand./ Looke 
not upon this Booke, as/ those that are set out by private men, for private/ 
ends; for being read, you'l find, the publick/ good is the Authors only 

PU University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia 

RPJCB John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I. 

ScU University of South Carolina, Columbia 

Vi Virginia State Library, Richmond 

ViU University of Virginia, Charlottesville 

ViW College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Va. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 79 

aime./ For this Piece is no other then the Adventurers/ or Planters faith- 
full Steward, disposing the Ad-/ venture for the best advantage, advising/ 
people of all degrees, from the highest/ Master, to the meanest Servant, 
how suddenly to raise/ their fortunes./ Peruse the Table, and you shall 
finde the/ way plainely layd downe./ By William Bvllock, Gent./ [rule]/ 
19 April, 1649. Imprimatur, Hen: Whaley./ [rule]/ London:/ Printed 
by John Hammond and are to be sold at his house/ over-against S. An- 
drews Church in Holborne. 1649./ 

12.5 x 17 cm. [12], 66 p. CSmH CtY DLC ICN MB MH MiU-C MWiW-C 
N NcD NcU NjP NN Vi ViW 

This book, according to the author, was written in haste— in six days. 
Yet it shows signs of being the result of a great deal of thought and 
research. The advice to would-be settlers is marked by common sense 
suggestions and an understanding of the situation in Virginia. Roanoke, 
Virginia, and Maryland are lumped together for his purposes, and 
although there is a separate description of Roanoke based on Plariot, 
Lane, and John Smith, the body of the book contains advice applicable 
to the whole region. The advantages of this southern area are stressed 
over those of New England 

The dedication is to the Earl of Arundel and Surrey and to the Lord 
Baltimore, the former of whom held the Heath patent of 1629 to Caro- 
lana. Information on which Bullock's book is based came from material 
in his own library, he reports, and from a number of men whom he 
named who had lived in Virginia or engaged in trade with the colony. 
Among these was Samuel Vassell, who had an interest in the coloniza- 
tion of Carolana under the Heath grant of 1629. 

1649 [3] 

Numb. 215./ The/ Moderate Intelligencer:/ Impartially communicating 
Martiall/ Affairs to the Kingdome of/ England./ [rule] / From Thursday, 
April 26. to Wednesday, May 2. 1649./ [rule]/ .... At the intreaty of a 
well-wilier, the following lines are inserted./ There is a Gentleman going 
over Governour into Carolana in America, and many/ Gentlemen of 
quality and their families with him./ This place is of a temperate Climate, 
not so hot as Barbado's nor so cold as Virginia ;/ the Winter much like our 
March here in England. . . ./ 

Imprint on p. [12] : Printed for R. Leybourn in Monkswel street. Imprima- 
tur, Theo. Jennings. 

14 x 18 cm. Pages [4-5] CSmH MnU 

80 The North Carolina Historical Review 

This contemporary newspaper reference* is the only indication 
known that a governor was appointed for Carolana in 1649. Among 
the products of the country described here are "Tarre, Rosin, and Tur- 
pentine." Prospective emigrants are directed to "repair to Mr. Edmond 
Thorowgood, A Virginia Merchant, living in White-Crosse-Street" for 
information as to "what conditions shall be given to Adventurers, 
Planters, and Servants." 

The complete report, with an introduction by Hugh T. Lefler, was 
published in The North Carolina Historical Review, XXXTI (January, 
1955), 102-105. 

1649 [4] 

A Perfect Description of/ Virginia:/ Being,/ A full and true Relation of 
the present State/ of the Plantation, their Health, Peace, and Plenty : the 
number/ of people, with their abundance of Cattell, Fowl, Fish, &c. with 
severall/ sorts of rich and good Commodities, which may there be had, 
either/ Naturally, or by Art and Labour. Which we are fain to/ procure 
from Spain, France, Denmark, Swedeland, Germany,/ Poland, yea, from 
the East-Indies. There/ having been nothing related of the/ true estate 
of this Planta-/ tion these 25 years./ Being sent from Virginia, at the 
request of a Gentleman of worthy note,/ who desired to know the true 
State of Virginia as it now stands./ Also,/ A Narration of the Countrey, 
within a few/ dayes journey of Virginia, West and by South, where people 
come/ to trade: being related to the Governour, Sir William Berckley,/ 
who is to go himselfe to discover it with 30 horse, and 50 foot,/ and other 
things needful for his enterprize./ With the manner how the Emperor 
Nichotawance/ came to Sir William Berckley, attended with five petty 
Kings,/ to doe Homage, and bring Tribute to King Charles. With his/ 
solemne Protestation, that the Sun and Moon should lose/ their Lights, 
before he (or his people in that Country) / should prove disloyall, but ever 
to keepe, Faith/ and Allegiance to King/ Charles./ [decorative device"]/ 
London, Prin d for Richard Wodenoth, at the Star under Peters/ Church 
in Cornhill, 1649./ 

17.6 x 13.4 cm. 19 p. CtY DLC MA MBAt MH MiU-C MWiW-C NHi NN 

A report of the 1622 exploration of the Chowan River region by 
John Pory is given by way of supplying information on the part of 
Virginia "to the Southward of James River." The new information is 
given that Governor Sir George Yeardley perhaps intended to outfit a 
larger expedition to explore the land which Pory had visited, but that 
the massacre of 1622 and the withdrawal of the charter of the Vir- 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 81 

ginia Company two years later prevented the completion of his plans 
to that end. 

1650 [5] 

Williams, Edward 

Virgo Trivmphans:/ or,/ Virginia/ richly and truly valued; more especi-/ 
ally the South part thereof: viz./ The fertile Carolana, and no lesse 
excel-/ lent Isle of Roanoak, of Latitude from/ 31 to 37 Degr. relating 
the meanes of/ raising infinite profits to the Adventu-/ rers and Planters:/ 
Humbly presented as the Auspice of a beginning Yeare,/ To the Parlia- 
ment of England,/ And Councell of State./ [rule] / By Edward Williams, 
Gent./ [rule]/ [woodcut]/ [rule)/ London, Printed by Thomas Harper, 
for John Stephenson,/ and are to be sold at his Shop on Ludgate-Hill, at 
the Signe/ of the Sunne, 1650./ 

18.5 x 13.5 cm. [12], 47, [8] p. CSmH DLC ICN MH NcU NN PPL 

A new edition appeared the same year with the title Virginia: More 
Especially the South Part Thereof, Richly and Truly Valued. Only the title 
page and alterations in the prefatory matter make this edition different 
from the first. A copy in the Huntington Library, San Marino, California, 
lacks the errata which appears on [C2] verso, the eight-page table and 
supplement at the end, and it has a different title page, being entitled 
Virgo Triumphans: or, Virginia in General. 

This work is dedicated to Parliament with a statement concerning 
12 advantages to be gained by England from the settlement of "the 
South parts of Virginia." The reader is promised that in this book he 
"shall discover the beauties of a long neglected Virgin the incom- 
parable Roanoake, and the adjacent excellencies of Carolana, a Coun- 
try whom God and nature has indulged with blessings incommunicable 
to any other Region." 

The natural products of the country are described in glowing terms, 
and some 14 pages are devoted to a discussion of the possibilities of 
raising silkworms. Ralph Lane, Thomas Hariot, John Pory, and Sir 
William Berkeley are cited among the sources of information. A brief 
"Supplement" attempts to allay some doubts which seem to have been 
expressed by prospective settlers of the region when they showed signs 
of fear of the Indians on the uncleared frontier. 

82 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1651 • [6] 

Bland, Edward 

The/ Discovery/ of/ New Brittaine./ Began August 27. Anno Dom. 1650./ 
By/ [bracket] Edward Bland, Merchant./ Abraham Woode, Captaine./ 
Sackford Brewster,/ Elias Pennant,/ [bracket'] Gentlemen./ From Fort 
Henry, at the head of Appa-/ mattuck River in Virginia, to the Fals of 
Blandina, first River in New Brit-/ taine, which runneth West ; being/ 120. 
Mile South-west, between 35./ & 37 degrees, (a pleasant Country,)/ of 
temperate Ayre, and fertile Soyle./ [rule]/ London,/ Printed by Thomas 
Harper for John Stephenson, at the/ Sun below Ludgate. M.DC.LI./ 

18 x 12.5 cm. [6], 16 p. CSmH CtY DLC MiU-C NHi PBL RPJCB 

New Britain, as described here, is northeastern North Carolina. 10 In 
August, 1650, Bland and three other men explored a part of the region 
soon to become Albemarle County in Carolina. Upon their return to 
Virginia they were authorized by the Assembly on October 20, 1650, 
to explore and settle "to the Southward in any convenient place where 
they discover." Here Bland gives an appealing account of their voyage 
of discovery during which they assigned names to the streams, islands, 
and other features of the land. Aside from the report on the geography 
of the region, this account contains some interesting Indian lore but 
less detail about the products of the country than later studies. It was, 
however, designed to interest settlers who might make up the 100 men 
which Bland was required to have in his colony in order to meet the 
specifications of the grant from the Virginia Assembly. 

1662 [7] 

G[reen], R[oger] 

Virginia's Cure:/ or/ An Advisive Narrative/ Concerning/ Virginia./ 
Discovering/ The true Ground of that Churches/ Unhappiness, and the 
only true Remedy./ As it was presented to the Right Reverend Father in/ 
God Gvilbert Lord Bishop of London,/ September 2. 1661./ [rule]/ Now 
publish'd to further the Welfare of that/ and the like Plantations:/ By 
R. G./ [rule]/ [quotations]/ [rule]/ London, Printed by W. Godbid for 
Henry Brome at the Signe of/ the Gun in Ivy-lane, 1662./ 

16.2 x 12 cm. [6], 22 p. CSmH MH NHi PPL PPL-R 

10 Apparently Samuel Purchas was the first to use the term New Britain in con- 
nection with the American colonies. Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage, or Re- 
lations of the World (London: William Stansby, 1613), 631. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 83 

The Rev. Roger Green, long ascribed as the author of this tract, re- 
ceived a grant of 1,000 acres of land "where it shall seem most conven- 
ient to him" in the vicinity of the Roanoke River, on the south side of 
the Chowan River, in 1653. Of especial Carolina interest in this pub- 
lication is the description of the boundaries of Virginia. The author 
cites the Chowan River as being the southern limit of that colony. 

1664 [8] 

Hilton, William 

A/ Relation/ of/ A discovery lately made on the Coast of/ Florida,/ (From 
Lat. 31 to 33 Beg. 45 Min. North-Lat.)/ By William Hilton Commander, 
and/ Commissioner with Capt. Anthony Long,/ and Peter Fabian, in the 
Ship Adventure, which/ set Sayl from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10, 1663. and 
was/ set forth by several Gentlemen and Mer-/ "chants of the Island of 
Barbadoes./ Giving an account of the nature and tempera-/ ture of the 
Soyl, the manners and disposition/ of the Natives, and whatsoever else 
is/ remarkable therein./ Together with/ Proposals made by the Commis- 
sioners/ of the Lords Proprietors, to all such per-/ sons as shall become 
the first Setler on the/ Rivers, Harbors, and Creeks there./ [rule]/ Lon- 
don, Printed by J. C. for Simon Miller at the Star neer the/ West-end of 
St. Pauls, 1664./ 

18 x 14 cm. 34 p. CSmH CtY DLC MB MH MiU-C NcD NjP NN RPJCB 

The New York Public Library copy differs in that the imprint reads: 
London,/ Printed by J. C. for Richard Moon, Book-seller in/ Bristol, 
1664./ It was perhaps printed for distribution by other booksellers than 
those in London and Bristol. Mention of the home town of a prospective 
colonist in the imprint would surely lend authority to the claims made in 
the text. 

Hilton, under the sponsorship of a group of citizens of Barbados, 
led an expedition to Carolina just five months after King Charles II had 
granted a charter for the region to the eight Lords Proprietors. The 
first exploration was of the area between the Combahee River (now 
in South Carolina and Port Royal, but after a little more than a month 
the group sailed north to "Cape Fair"— now Cape Fear. From early 
October until December 4 Hilton and his companions explored the 
rivers and sounds of the Carolina coast and the mainland in the vicin- 
ity of the Cape Fear River. Many of the names which they gave to 
geographical features (Stag Park and Rocky Point, for instance) are 
still in use. Their comments on the land, plants, and wildlife, as well 
as on the Indians, are reminiscent of those of the Roanoke explorers 
nearly a century earlier. In this account there are comments on the at- 

84 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tempt of some New Englanders to colonize the Cape Fear area in 1663. 
The immediate results of Hilton's voyage and report were the an- 
nouncing of generous inducements to settlers by the Lords Proprietors 
and the establishment on the Cape Fear of a colony from Barbados. 

1666 [9] 

A Brief Description/ Of/ The Province/ of/ Carolina/ On the Coasts of 
Floreda./ And/ More perticularly of a New-Plantation/ begun by the Eng- 
lish at Cape-Feare,/ on that River now by them called Charles-River,/ 
the 29th of May. 1664./ Wherein is set forth/ The Healthfulness of the 
Air; the Fertility of/ the Earth, and Waters; and the great Pleasure 
and/ Profit will accrue to those that shall go thither to enjoy/ the same./ 
Also,/ Directions and advice to such as shall go thither whether/ on their 
own accompts, or to serve under another./ Together with/ A most ac- 
curate Map of the whole Province./ [rule]/ London, Printed for Robert 
Home in the first Court of Gresham-/ Colledge neer Bishopsgate street. 

14 x 19.5 cm. 10 p. CSmH DLC ICN MiU-C NcU NHi NjP NN RPJCB 


A very brief description of the geography of Carolina is followed by 
a statement about the Cape Fear [Clarendon County] settlement. 
This colony landed, according to this pamphlet, by May 29, 1664, and 
had grown to about 800 persons with good houses and forts. A report 
on the quality of the land and the trees growing there is designed to 
tempt the would-be settler. Among the six "Privileges" of the colonists 
are "full and free Liberty of Conscience," "freedom from Custom for 
all Wine, Silk, Raisins, Currance, Oyl, Olives, and Almonds'' and the 
authority "to choose annually from among themselves a certain Number 
of Men, according to their divisions, which constitute the General As- 
sembly. . . ." Finally there is a special invitation to "all Artificers, as 
Carpenters, Wheel-rights, Joyners, Coopers, Bricklayers, Smiths, or 
diligent Husbandmen and Labourers . . ." to "repair to Mr. Matthew 
Wilkinson, Ironmonger, at the Sign of the Three Feathers in Bishops- 
gate-street, where they may be informed when the Ships will be ready, 
and what they must carry with them." 

"If any Maid or single Woman have a desire to go over," one reads, 
"they will think themselves in the Golden Age, when Men paid a 
Dowry for their Wives; for if they be but Civil, and under 50 years of 
Age, some honest Man or other, will purchase them for their Wives." 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 85 

1670 [10] 

The/ Fundamental/ Constitutions/ of/ Carolina./ 

No imprint. Consists of 120 sections. Dated March 1, 1669 [i. e., 1670]. 
27 x 16.2 cm. 25 p. DLC MH NN 

The Fundamental Constitutions, designed for the government of 
Carolina, were first drawn up on July 21, 1669, and contained 81 or 
111 sections. 11 The copy described here, a revised version, was issued 
on March 1, 1669 [i.e., 1670] , and consisted of 120 sections. On Jan- 
uary 12, 1681 [i.e., 1682] , a further revision, but still made up of 120 
sections, appeared, and on August 17 of the same year a version con- 
sisting of 121 sections was approved. A final edition, dated April 11, 
1698, was made up of only fortv-one sections. Of these five editions 
of the Fundamental Constitutions, apparently only three were printed. 
Those issued March 1, 1670; January 12, 1682; and April 11, 1698, 
are described in this bibliography as they were printed. 

1670 [11] 

A/ Treaty/ for the [bracket]/ Composing of Differences,/ Restraining 
of Depredations, and/ Establishing of Peace/ In/ America,/ Between the 
Crowns of/ Great Britain/ and Spain./ [rule]/ Concluded at Madrid the 
8th/18 Day of/ July, in the Year of Our Lord 1670./ [rule]/ Translated 
out of Latin./ [rule]/ Published by His Majesties Command./ [rule]/ 
In the Savoy,/ Printed by the Assigns of John Bill and Christopher/ 
Barker, Printers to the Kings Most Excel-/ lent Majesty, 1670./ 
18.5 x 13.7 cm. Copy has been trimmed. [12] p. RPJCB 

A preamble and the text of a treaty drawn up by Sir William Godol- 

u It lies outside the province of this study to make a comparison of the various sur- 
viving contemporary copies of the Fundamental Constitutions, but it is apparent that 
such a study might profitably be made. The New York Public Library's Ford Collec- 
tion has a contemporary copy in John Locke's hand, dated July 21, 1669, which lacks 
the first eight sections and consists of only 81 sections. Cole, A Catalogue of Books 
Relating to the Discovery and Early History of North and South America, IV, 1664. A 
copy in the Public Record Office in London, also in Locke's hand and bearing the same 
date, consists of 111 sections. The Thirty-Third Annual Report of the Deputy Keeper of 
the Public Records (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1872), 258-269. Neither 
version was officially promulgated nor sent to Carolina, so it may be assumed that these 
were drafts of the first "official" version signed on March 1, 1669 [1670]. For a study 
of the Fundamental Constitutions, see Junius Davis, "Locke's Fundamental Constitu- 
tions/' The North Carolina Booklet, VII (July, 1907), 13-49, and A. S. Salley, "The 
Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina," The Proceedings of the South Carolina His- 
torical Association, IV (1934), 25-31. Introductory notes and transcriptions of several 
versions of the Fundamental Constitutions will be found in Mattie Erma Edwards 
Parker (ed.), North Carolina Charters and Constitutions, 1578-1698 (Raleigh: Caro- 
lina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963), 128-240. 

86 The North Carolina Historical Review 

phin, on behalf of King Charles II, and the Earl of Penaranda, on be- 
half of the Queen-Regent Maria-Anna of Spain, declares "Universal 
Peace, true and sincere Amity in America" to be the desire of both 
nations. There are 16 sections relating to the obligations and hopes 
of both parties on the subject of their nationals in the New World. 

1671 [12] 

Ogilby, John 

America:/ Being the Latest, and most/ Accurate Description; of the/ 
New World;/ Containing/ The Original of the Inhabitants, and the Re-/ 
markable Voyages thither./ The Conquest of the vast/ Empires/ of/ 
Mexico and Peru,/ and other large/ Provinces and Territories,/ with 
the several European/ Plantations/ in those parts./ Also/ Their Cities, 
Fortresses, Towns, Temples,/ Mountains, and Rivers./ Their Habits, Cus- 
toms, Manners, and Religions./ Their Plants, Beasts, Birds, and Serpents./ 
An Appendix, containing, besides several other considerable/ Additions, 
a brief Survey of what hath been discover'd of the/ Vnknown South-Land 
and the Arctick Region./ [rule] / Collected from most Authentick Authors, 
Augmented with later Observations, and/ Adorn'd with Maps and Sculp- 
tures, by John Ogilby Esq; His/ Majesty's Cosmographer, Geographick 
Printer, and Master of the Revels/ in the Kingdom of Ireland./ [rule]/ 
London,/ Printed by the Author, and are to be had at his House in/ White 
Fryers, M.DC.LXXI./ 

32 x 44.2 cm. [8], 674 p. CSmH CtY DLC ICN MB MH NcU NN RPJCB 

"Carolina" is on pages 205 to 212, and preceding it is a double-page 
map of the province. The text apparently was newly composed for this 
purpose and bears no relation to any of the previously published works 
on Carolina. A few references— to the black mold and to the similarity 
of the pure air of Carolina to that of Bermuda, for instance— suggest 
that the writer may have elaborated upon some points mentioned in 
A Brief Description of the Province of Carolina printed in 1666 for 
Robert Home. This is truly a promotional piece, and Carolina is de- 
scribed in glowing terms. Tall trees suitable for masts, woods well 
stocked with deer, rabbits, birds, and other game, rivers "stor'd with 
plenty of excellent Fish of several sorts, which are taken with great 
ease in abundance," and a "happy Climate" all combine to make Caro- 
lina "promising in its very Infancy." An explanation of the "Fair Terms 
proposed to whomsoever shall remove thither" concludes that the 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 87 

"Countrey promises to the Planter Health, Plenty and Riches at a 
cheap Rate." Finally, there is a summary of the Fundamental Consti- 
tutions. 12 

1672 [13] 

Blome, Richard 

A/ Description/ Of the Island of/ Jamaica;/ With the other Isles and 
Territories/ in America, to which the/ English are Related, vix./ Rarba- 
does,/ St. Christophers,/ Nievis, or Me-/ vis, Antego,/ St. Vincent,/ 
Dominica,/ Montserrat,/ Anguilla,/ Rarbada,/ Bermudes,/ Carolina,/ 
Virginia,/ Maryland,/ New-York,/ New-England,/ New-Found-/ Land./ 
Taken from the Notes of Sr. Thomas/ Linch Knight, Governour of Ja- 
maica;/ and other Experienced Persons in the/ said Places. Illustrated 
with Maps./ [rule]/ Published by Richard Blome./ [rule]/ Printed by T. 
Milbourn, and sold by/ I. Williams Junior, in Cross-Keys-/ Court, in Little 
Brittain, 1672./ 

9.5 x 14.7 cm. [8], 192 p. CtY DGU DLC DNR ICN MB MBAt MiU-C 

There was also a 1678 edition. 

"A Description of Carolina" on pages 125 to 138 is apparently an up- 
to-date report on conditions in the colony. Along with the usual glow- 
ing account of the geography and a catalog of the fruits, herbs, trees, 
fish, and fowl, there are extensive quotations from John Lederer whose 
book was published the same year. Mention is made of the Lords Pro- 
prietors, their scheme of government, and the fact that there "are at 
present two considerable Settlements of the English, for so short a 
time, the one at Albemarle-River in the North, and the other about the 
midst of the Countrey on Ashley River. . . ." 

12 It has been suggested that John Locke was the author of this account of Carolina. 
William P. Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps (Princeton, New Jersey: Prince- 
tonUniversity Press, 1958), 32, hereinafter cited as Cumming. The Southeast in Early 
Maps. Sabin, A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XII, 305, calls this work 
"an impudent plagiarism" of Arnoldus Montanus* De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld 
printed in Amsterdam the same year. Since this section on Carolina did not appear in 
Montanus, however, this problem is of no concern here. References to "an English 
version" of Montanus by Ogilby appear in Cole, A Catalogue of Books Relating to the 
Discovery and Early History of North and South America, III, 1,387. An apparently 
unique copy of Ogilby's work bearing the date 1670, now at Harvard, would seem to 
open the question of "plagiarism" to further study. 

88 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1672 ' [14] 

Lederer, John 

The/ Discoveries/ of/ John Lederer,/ In three several Marches from/ 
Virginia,/ To the West of/ Carolina,/ And other parts of the Continent:/ 
Begun in March 1669, and ended in September 1670./ Together with/ A 
General Map of the whole Territory/ which he traversed./ [rule]/ Col- 
lected and Translated out of Latine from his Discourse/ and Writings,/ 
By Sir William Talbot Baronet./ [rule]/ [U-line quotation]/ [rule)/ 
London, Printed by J. C. for Samuel Heyrick, at Grays-/ Inne-gate in Hol- 
born. 1672./ 

16.7 x 12.5 cm. viii, 28 p. CSmH DLC ICN MB MdBJ MH MiU-C MnU 

This perhaps is less a promotional piece for Carolina than an attempt 
to add luster to the name of Lederer. In a note "To the Reader" Talbot 
observes that he thought the "Printing of these Papers was no injury 
to the Author, and might prove a Service to the Publick." During June 
and July, 1670, Lederer journeyed southward from Virginia, passed to 
the east of present-day Greensboro, crossed the Pee Dee River, and 
went as far to the southwest as the vicinity of modern Rock Hill, South 
Carolina. His return route was approximately through the site of Fay- 
etteville, to the east of Rocky Mount, and northward to Petersburg. 
Between March and September he also traveled westward to the Ap- 
palachian Mountains. 

Lederer describes the country through which he passed, comments 
on Indian customs, and notes the produce of the land. Three short 
essays are entitled "Conjectures of the Land beyond the Apalataean 
Mountains," "Instructions to such as shall march upon Discoveries into 
the North-American Continent," and "Touching Trade with Indians." 13 

1675 [15] 

An Epitome/ of/ Mr. John Speed's Theatre of the Empire/ of/ Great 
Britain./ And of His Prospect/ Of the Most Famous Parts of the World./ 
[rule]/ In this New Edition are added,/ The Descriptions of His Majesties 
Dominions abroad, viz./ . . . Carolina, . . ./ [rule]/ London, Printed for 
Tho. Basset at the George in Fleet street, and Ric. Chiswel at the/ Rose 
and Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1676./ 

18 For a discussion of Lederer's explorations see William P. Cumming (ed.), The 
Discoveries of John Lederer (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1958). 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 89 

10.8 x 17 cm. 2 vols, in one. [375] ; [2], 276 [i.e., 278] p. Second part has 
separate title page : A/ Prospect/ of the Most/ Famous Parts of the World./ 
. . ./ {rule]/ London, Printed by W. G. 1675./ 14 CtY DLC ICN MH MHi 


"The Description of Carolina" is on pages 252 to 254 of part two. 
An error in paging occurs here, however, and the sketch actually is 
five pages in length plus a full-page map. There are also two para- 
graphs on Carolina on page 247 in connection with "The Description 
of Florida/' 

The account of Carolina seems to represent an attempt to be factual 
rather than laudatory. Like the sketch in Speed's larger work which 
appeared the following year, this one is based largely on Lederer and 
contains information about the form of government in the colony. 

1676 [16] 

Speed, John 

The/ Theatre of the Empire/ of/ Great-Britain,/ Presenting an Exact 
Geography of the/ Kingdom of England, Scotland, Ireland,/ and the 
Isles adjoyning:/ As also the Shires, Hundreds, Cities and Shire-Towns 
within the Kingdom/ of England and Principality of Wales;/ with a/ 
Chronology of the Civil-wars in England, Wales and Ireland./ Together 
with/ A Prospect/ of the most Famous Parts of the World, Viz./ Asia, 
Africa, Europe, America./.../ [rule]/ By John Speed/ [rule']/ In this 
New Edition are added;/ In the Theatre of Great-Britain,/ . . ./ The 
Descriptions of His Majesty's Dominions abroad; with a Map fairly en- 
graven to each Description,/ viz. New-England, Carolina, Virginia, Ja- 
maica,/ New-York,/ Florida,/ Mary-Land,/ Barbadoes./ . . ./ [rule]/ 
London;/ Printed for Thomas Basset at the George in Fleet-street, and 
Richard Chiswel/ at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard, 

44.5 x 30 cm. 9 p. L, 94 numb. I, [95] -98 p., 99-126 numb. L, 8 p., [127]- 
129 p., 121-132 numb. L, [133] -135 p., 137-146 numb. I, 1 I, 56 numb. L, 
[11] p. CtY MH MiD N NjP Vi 

"The Description of Carolina" fills two columns of a single page, but 
there is some Carolina material in the report on Florida since "Caro- 
lina . . . [was] formerly accounted a part of Florida, though of late 
separated into a peculiar Province. . . ." Much of the geographical de- 

" A For the full titles as well as additional bibliographical information, see Sabin, 
A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XXII, 515-516. 

90 The North Carolina Historical Review 

scription is based on Lederer, and there is a report on the form of 
government to be established "according to a Plat-form and model 
drawn up by my Lord Shaftsbury" On the verso of leaves 49 and 50 
there is a large map, "A New Description of Carolina." While the 
maps differ, the text is identical with that included in A Prospect of 
the Most Famous Parts of the World published the year before. 

[1679?] [17] 

Description du Pays nomme Carolina./ [London? 1679?] 

19.5 x 31.5 cm. 3 p. British Museum Public Record Office 

This little "Description of the Country named Carolina" is entirely 
in French and was intended to interest French Protestants in remov- 
ing to the colony. In very simple language it sets forth the essential in- 
formation: location, climate, system of government, natural products 
(both plant and animal), and offers assurance that the Indians are not 
to be feared. There was royal authority for granting "les Protestans 
Etrangers" the same rights and privileges as the king's other subjects 
in the province. Tarheels today will agree with the anonymous writer 
of this tract that "cette Province est une des plus belles Contrees de 

The British Museum assigns the date [1679?] to this publication 
while in the Public Record Office it is filed with the Shaftesbury papers 
for 1671-1672. 

1680 [18] 

Morden, Robert 

Geography/ Rectified:/ or,/ A Description/ of the/ World,/ In all its 
Kingdoms, Provinces, Countries,/ Islands, Cities, Towns, Seas, Rivers, 
Bayes, Capes,/ Ports; Their Antient and Present Names, Inhabitants,/ 
Situations, Histories,/ Customs, Governments, &c./ As also their Com- 
modities, Coins, Weights, and Mea-/ sures, Compared with those at Lon- 
don./ Illustrated with above Sixty New Maps./ The Whole Work per- 
formed according to the more accurate discove-/ veries of Modern 
Authors./ [rule]/ By Robert Morden./ [rule]/ London,/ Printed for 
Robert Morden and Thomas Cockeril. At the/ Atlas in Cornhill, and at the 
three Legs in the Poultrey/ over against the Stocks-Market. 1680./ 

15 x 19.8 cm. 6 p. t, 418 [i. e., 388] p. CLU-C CtY DLC MiU-C RPJCB 


Other editions appeared in 1688, 1693, and 1700. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 91 

Pages 379 to 381 are devoted to "A Description of Carolina." A great 
deal of information is packed into this brief report, and in addition to 
the usual geographical description and reports on flora and fauna, 
something is said of the "Liberty of conscience" permitted in Caro- 
lina. "And they have a Register of all grants and conveiances of Land 
to prevent suits and controversies; and in summ, their frame of Gov- 
ernment is generally so well put together, that Juditious men that 
have seen it, say its the best for the people that live under it, of any 
they have read." 

1681 [19] 

The/ Information/ of/ Ca pt . Hen. Wilkinson,/ of/ What hath passed be- 
twixt him and some other/ Persons, who have attempted to prevail with 
him/ to Swear/ High Treason/ Against the/ Earl of Shaftsbury./ [double 
rule]/ London:/ Printed for Henry Wilkinson. 1681./ 

17.5 x 27.7 cm. [viii], 11 p. Pages 5-8 incorrectly numbered 9-12. CtY 

Captain Henry Wilkinson was appointed Governor of Carolina by 
the Lords Proprietors in February, 1681, but delays in sailing and some 
problems resulting from debts prevented his departure for Carolina. 
These facts are recited in this publication, but the main body is de- 
voted to Wilkinson's account of efforts to persuade him to appear in 
court as a witness against the Earl of Shaftesbury who was accused of 
a plot to overthrow King Charles II. 15 

1681 [20] 

[Rochefort, Charles Cesar de] 

Recit/ De/ L'Estat/ Present/ Des/ Celebres Colonies/ De la Virginia, de 
Marie-Land, de la Caroline, du Nouveau Duche/ d'York, de Penn-Sylvania, 
& de la Noubelle Angleterre, situees/ dans TAmerique septentrionale, entre 
les trente deuxieme/ & quarante sixieme degres de l'elevation du Pole du/ 
Nord, & etablies sous les auspices, & V autorite/ souveraine du Roy de la 
grand' Bretagne./ Tire fidelement des memoires des habitans des memes 
Colonies,/ en faveur de ceus, qui auroyent le dessein de s'y/ transporter & 

16 The facts of the case are related in "Captain Henry Wilkinson," by Charles M. 
Andrews in The South Atlantic Quarterly, XV (July, 1916), 216-222. 

92 The North Carolina Historical Review 

de s'y etablir./ [decorative device]/ A Rotterdam,/ Chez Reinier Leers,/ 
[rule]/ M.DC. LXXXI./ 

22.8 x 17.8 cm. 43 p. DLC MB PPAmP PPL-R RPJCB 

The second chapter in this little account of the English colonies in 
America is devoted to Virginia, Maryland, and Carolina. There are 
four brief paragraphs on Texcellente colonie . . . de la Caroline" point- 
ing out, among other things, that foreigners there have "la meme 
liberte & franchise" as Englishmen. The flourishing state of the settle- 
ment on the Ashley and Cooper rivers is stressed to the exclusion of 
any reference to the remainder of Carolina. 

This volume was issued as a supplement to the 1681 edition of the 
author's Histoire Naturelle et Morale des lies Antilles de YAmerique 
which first appeared in 1658. 

1682 [21] 

Animadversions/ on/ Capt. Wilkinson's/ Information./ Being highly con- 
ducive to the better informing and/ disabusing the Minds of Men, and 
tending to/ the publick Peace and Safety./ [rule']/ [quotation]/ [rule]/ 
[printers device]/ [rule]/ London,/ Printed for Walter Davis, 1682./ 

17.5 x 27.5 cm. [20] p. Pages 13 to 20 incorrectly numbered 11 to 18. CtY 

In this attack on Henry Wilkinson's pamphlet, 16 the unidentified 
author points out numerous inconsistent statements which suggest 
that the Captain did, indeed, know something of a plot "against King 
and Government." There are several references to Wilkinson's Caro- 
lina interests, one of which is described as his "intended or pretended 
Voyage to Carolina." 

1682 [22] 

A[sh], T [nomas] 

Carolina;/ or a/ Description/ Of the Present State of that/ Country,/ 
and/ The Natural Excellencies thereof, viz. The/ Healthfulness of the Air, 
Pleasantness of the Place,/ Advantage and Usefulness of those Rich 
Commo-/ dities there plentifully abounding, which much/ encrease and 
flourish by the Industry of the Plan-/ ters that daily enlarge that Colony./ 


See Publication Number 19, above. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 93 

{rule]/ Published by T. A. Gent./ Clerk on Board his Majesties Ship the 
Richmond, which was/ sent out in the year 1680. with particular Instruc- 
tions to/ enquire into the State of that Country, by His Majesties/ Special 
Command, and Return'd this Present Year, 1682./ [rule]/ London,/ 
Printed for W. C. and to be Sold by Mrs. Grover in Pelican/ Court in 
Little Britain, 1682./ 

19 x 13.5 cm. 2, 40 p. CSmH CtY DLC ICN MB MH MiU-C MWiW NcD 

As noted on the title page, author T[homas] A[sh] was clerk on 
board the "Richmond" 17 which was sent out in 1680 "with particular 
Instructions to enquire into the State of the Country." This is a report 
based on the findings of that expedition. It has an authentic tone and 
is certainly more interesting to a modern reader than many of the 
other glowing but frequently misleading reports. After a hasty review 
of the history of Carolina, Ash enters upon a descriptive report of 
the natural products of the country and of the cultivated plants, of 
the wild animals and the domesticated stock. His report on the 'possum 
and the hummingbird, neither of which was familiar to Englishmen, 
is delightful while his description of fireflies is particularly good. In 
many respects Ash's report rivals the later accounts of John Lawson 
for frankness and appeal. 

Of Indian corn he writes, "At Carolina they have lately invented 
a way of makeing with it good sound Beer; but it's strong and heady: 
By Maceration, when duly fermented, a strong Spirit like Brandy may 
be drawn off from it, by the help of an Alembick." 

1682 [23] 

F[erguson], Rfobert] 

The/ Present State/ of/ Carolina/ with/ Advice to the Setlers./ [rule]/ 
By R. F./ [rule] / [decorative device] / [rule] / London,/ Printed by John 
Bringhurst, at the Sign of the/ Book in Grace-Church-Street, 1682./ 

18 x 14 cm. 36 p. CSMH DLC MiU-C NHi NN RPJCB 

17 Thomas Ash, otherwise unidentified, has long been ascribed as the author of this 
tract, but in the absence of substantial evidence in his favor it seems more likely that it 
was written by Thomas Amy, relative of Lord Proprietor Sir John Colleton. Amy, 
later a Proprietor in his own right, was made a Cacique late in 1682. St. Julien Ravenel 
Childs, Malaria and Colonization in the Carolina Low Country (Baltimore, Maryland: 
The Johns Hopkins Press [The Johns Hopkins Studies in Historical and Political Sci- 
ence, Series LVII, No. 1], 1940), 189. 

Captain Dunbar of the "Richmond" is mentioned on page 10 of The Present State 
of Carolina (London: John Bringhurst: 1682). See Publication Number 23, below. 

94 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Ferguson, a friend of Shaftesbury and author of several religious and 
political tracts, writes in part from "my own observation" and in part 
from information "from very good hands." A reference to Captain 
Dunbar of the "Richmond" suggests that he may have drawn on much 
the same source for his information as did Thomas Ash, whose book 
also appeared the same year. Ferguson gives us a report on the Indians 
of Carolina, including some population estimates and a comment on 
birth control among the natives. Some notes on the weather, fish, birds, 
livestock, and servants complete the main body of his report. A refer- 
ence to Negro slaves is perhaps the earliest mention of that class of 
people in Carolina. In conclusion, the prospective settler is invited to 
visit the Carolina Coffeehouse in Birching Lane, London, for further 
information. The final nine pages take the form of an open letter of 
"Advice to Carolina" admonishing the settlers, among other things, to 
act in all matters like Christian gentlemen; to realize that there is "no 
distinction betwixt those . . . native Subjects born in England; and 
those implanted and born in America"; and to work for "the good and 
happy issues of Prosperity to the Settlement." 

Following the text is an "Advertisement" stating that Nathan 
Sumers [sic] "Engineer for Carolina," will clear ground for cultiva- 
tion at a set charge per tree. 18 The Lords Proprietors had entered into 
an agreement with Sumers [sic] it was reported, to give him and his 
heirs a 14-year monopoly in this undertaking since he would use an 
engine which he had invented. 

1682 [24] 

[Decorative device]/ The/ Fundamental Constitutions/ of/ Carolina./ 
Our Soveraign Lord the/ King having out of His Royal Grace and/ .... 
26.2 x 16 cm. 23 p. CSMH MH NN 

No title page. 

This version of the Fundamental Constitutions has 120 sections and 
is dated January 12, 1681 [i.e., 1682]. See publication number 10, 

The New York Public Library copy has manuscript notes interleaved 
as well as additions, deletions, and corrections on the printed pages 
believed to be in John Locke's hand. 

M See Publication Numbers 25 and 26, below. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 95 

1682 [25] 

Somers, Nathan 

Proposals/ for/ Clearing Land/ in/ Carolina, [vertical line] East Jersey,/ 
Pensilvania, [vertical line, cont'd] West Jersey :/Or any other Parts of/ 
America. . . . Nathan Somers,/ And Partners./ [rule]/ London, Printed 
and Sold by John Bringhurst, at the Book in Grace-Church-Street, August, 
9. 1682./ 

Broadside. CSmH DFo NNUT-Mc 

Somers and his partners offer "to raise Trees up by the Roots quite 
out of the Earth, and throw them down near the place where they 
grew" and to "carry the fallen Trees, and lay them in order round the 
intended Inclosure ... as an indifferent Boundary for Cattle; and car- 
ry the Remainder into convenient heaps within the said Inclosure." 
Those supplying Somers with laborers to assist fn the work could have 
his services at half price. 

1682 [26] 

A true/ Description/ of/ Carolina./ Carolina is part of the Main in 
America, and so much celebrated by Monsieur/ Laudonere, that he en- 
titles it Florida, because of her florid and fragrant/ . . . ./ London, Printed 
for Joel Gascoine at the Plat near Wapping old Stairs, and R [page trim- 
med]/ 19 at the Rose and Crown in Budg-Row./ [1682] 

18.7 x 15 cm. [4] p. Imprint on p. 4. RPJCB 

No title page. 

The chief value of this little work is its map. It records much detail 
along the coast from Cape Henry in Virginia southward to below St. 
Augustine and has been described as "the most accurate representa- 
tion of the Carolina region yet to appear." 20 The interior, of course, 
is much less accurate, but a few Indian settlements are identified west- 
ward to the "Apalatian Mountaines." 

The four pages of text accompanying the map are largely a verbatim 
reprint of portions of The Present State of Carolina with Advice to 

19 There is space for only one other initial and it undoubtedly was G, as Thomas Ash, 
Publication Number 22, above, refers to a publication by "Joel Gascoyne, near Wapping 
Old Stairs, and Robert Green in Budge Row, London, 1682." Kane, Colonial Promo- 
tion, 2, suggests that R. F., author of The Present State of Carolina, Publication Num- 
ber 23, above, was probably the author of this work as well. The Present State of Caro- 
lina, she points out, appears to be an expanded account of the subjects dealt with in 
A True Description. 

30 Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps, 159. 

96 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the Setters by R. F. It contains nothing not in that volume. In some 
instances the first few words in a paragraph have been changed 
slightly or omitted altogether, or whole sentences or more deleted. In 
the case of the reference to Captain Dunbar and the "Richmond," the 
complete paragraph is omitted. 

Apparently A True Description of Carolina was set in type by a 
careless composer working directly from The Present State of Caro- 
lina. A comparison of the two texts reveals carelessly omitted words 
or sentences; a divided word in the latter appears with the wrong end- 
ing picked up by the typesetter's roving eye a line or two down. This 
suggests that the work was done hastily. Perhaps the map had just 
become available, and the work was rushed to press to supersede the 
information given in Samuel Wilson's An Account of the Province of 
Carolina in America. 

An "Advertisement" for Nathan Sumers' [sic] engine, designed for 
clearing land, appears at the end of the text and above the imprint. 

1682 [27] 

[Wilson, Samuel] 

An/ Account/ of the/ Province/ of/ Carolina/ in/ America./ Together 
with/ An Abstract of the Patent,/ and several other Necessary and 
Useful Par-/ ticulars, to such as have thoughts of Tran-/ sporting them- 
selves thither./ Published for their Information./ [rule]/ London:/ Print- 
ed by G. Larkin for Francis Smith, at the Elephant/ and Castle in Corn- 
hil. 1682./ 

20.5 x 15 cm. 27 p. CSmH CtY DLC ICN MB MH MiU-C MWiW-C NcU 

The dedication of this volume is to the Right Honorable William 
Earl of Craven "and the rest of the true and absolute Lords and Pro- 
prieters [sic] of the Province of Carolina." Wilson, "Secretary in your 
Carolina-Affairs now four years," states that he undertook to prepare 
this account because he had discovered that people intending to go 
to America knew nothing of Carolina. "I have most strictly kept to 
the Rules of Truth," he declared, "there not being any thing that I 
have written in Commendation of [the] Province, which I cannot 

21 Two editions were published in the same year, but the National Union Catalog 
does not make a distinction in recording the copies held by the various libraries. The 
libraries listed here (with the exception of the Unversty of North Carolina at Chapel 
Hill which has the second edition) may have either or both editions. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 97 

prove by Letters from thence now in my possession, and by Living 
Witnesses now in England." 

The northern settlement in Albemarle is passed over with just a few 
lines to point that it has all the good qualities of Virginia "only exceed- 
ing it in Health, Fertility, and Mildness of the Winter." The Ashley 
River colony is discussed at some length, its history reviewed, and the 
products of the land carefully set forth. Wilson pointed out that "an 
Ox is raised at almost as little expence in Carolina, as a Hen is in 
England." A catalog of the produce of the country was intended to 
tempt those who had even the slightest thought of venturing them- 
selves to the New World. 

Finally, Wilson recorded that "some of the Lords Proprietors, or my 
self, will be every Tuesday at 11 of the clock at the Carolina-CoSee- 
house in Burching-L&ne near the Royal Exchange, to inform all people 
what Ships are going, or any other thing whatsoever." 

The final seven pages are devoted to "An Abstract of the Pattent 
granted by the King, the 30th of June, in the 17th Year of his Reign" 
to the eight Lords Proprietors. 

The map illustrating Wilson's work is the Ogilby-Moxon "First Lords 
Proprietors' Map" of 1672. 22 Since the second Lords Proprietors' map 
appeared in 1682 it is likely that Wilson's work was published quite 
early in 1682 before the new map became available. 

1683 [28] 

[Crafford, John] 

A New and Most/ Exact Account/ Of the Fertiles {sic'] and Famous Colony 
of/ Carolina/ (On the Continent of America,)/ Whose Latitude is from 
36 Deg. of North Latitude, to 29 Beg./ Together with a/ Maritine [sic] 
Account of its Rivers, Barrs, Soundings and Harbours;/ also of the Na- 
tives, their Religion, Traffick and Commodities./ Likewise the Advantages 
accrewing to all Adventurers by the Cu-/ stoms of the Countrey; Being 
the most Healthful and Fertile/ of His Majesties Territories on the said 
Continent of/ America./ As also an Account of the Islands of Bermudas, 
the Harbours, Situa-/ tion, People, Commodities, &c. belonging to the 
said Islands ;/ the whole being a Compendious Account of a Voyage made 
(by/ an Ingenious Person) for a full discovery of the above said places./ 
Begun in Ocotber 82, and finished this present year, 1683./ [rule]/ Dub- 
lin,/ Printed for Nathan Tarrant at the Kings-Arms in Corn-Market,/ 

18.8 x 14.3 cm. 7 p. NN 

Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps, 151-152. 

98 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Crafford's name is added in manuscript and his Authorship is further borne 
out by comments in Carolina Described more fully then heretofore, pub- 
lication number 29 below. 

This "Compendium of a Journall from the River of Clyd in the King- 
dom of Scotland, to Port-Royal in Carolina" was "Taken by John Craf- 
ford, who was Supercargo of the goodShip [sic] the James of Erwin 
burthen about 50 Tuns." The subtitle identifies the work as "a Maritine 
Account of its Rivers, Barrs, Soundings and Harbours" and so on. 
With this expressed interest it is not surprising to find that Crafford 
made some interesting observations on the possibilities of trade be- 
tween Bermuda and Carolina. His ship visited Charles Town in Caro- 
lina, and he took advantage of the opportunity to examine and report 
on the products of the land and to comment on the Indians. His re- 
marks in most instances differ very little from those previously made 
by other observers. He did note that Indian corn "by some is Called 
Turkey wheat." As to the religion of the Indians, he said, "I judge they 
are Pagans, but some judge them to be of the Captive Isralites, by 
their faces, Colour of Hayr, worshiping the new Moon, and some other 
Ceremonies resembling it." 

1684 [29] 

Carolina/ Described more fully then heretofore:/ Being an Impartial/ 
collection/ Made from the several Relations of that Place in/ Print, since 
its first planting (by the English,) and/ before, under the Denomination 
of Florida, From/ diverse Letters from those that have Transpor-/ ted 
themselves (From the Kingdom of Ireland.)/ And the Relations of those 
that have been in/ that Country several years together./ \rule~\/ Where- 
unto is added the Charter, with the/ Fundamental Constitutions/ of that 
Province./ [rule']/ With Sundry necessary observations made thereon; 
use-/ full to all that have a Disposition to Transport them-/ selves to 
that Place ; with the Account of what Ship-/ ing bound Thither from this 
Kingdom, this present/ Summer. 1684./ And the Charges of Transporting 
of Persons and Goods./ [rule']/ Dublin, Printed 1684./ 

19.6 x 14.6 cm. 56 p. CSmH MWiW-C NN 

In an ingenious fashion the writer of this piece questions some of 
the statements made by earlier writers about Carolina. It could not 
possibly be the wonderful place it was claimed to be. By frankly doubt- 
ing the reliability of Samuel Wilson's An Account of the Province of 
Carolina in America because the author was secretary to the Lords 
Proprietors, the writer must have disarmed many prospective colonists. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 99 

He cites John Crauford [sic] and his journal which was kept on a 
voyage from Scotland to Port Royal in October, 1682, reporting that a 
copy had come to him through a mutual friend. This journal, as well 
as letters from people in Carolina, bore out what Wilson had written 
so one is led to believe that Wilson was right after all. Pages 17 to 27, 
therefore, contain a careful reprint of Wilson's text, and his abstract of 
the patent to the Proprietors is copied even to the word "Finis" which 
actually is out of place here. There also is a summary of the Funda- 
mental Constitutions for those who have not the time or inclination to 
peruse the whole 120 sections which are printed on pages 35 to 36. 
A note dated June 6, 1684, lists vessels scheduled to sail for Carolina 
"towards the latter end of June" from Dublin, Cork, Londonderry, 
Limerick, and Belfast. 

1684 ; 7 [30] 

Gibson, Walter 

Proposals./ By Walter Gibson, Merchant in Glasgow, to such/ persons as 
are desirous to Transport themselves to Ame-/ rica, in a Ship belonging 
to him, bound for the Bermu-/ das, Carolina, New-Providence, and the 
Caribby-/ Islands, and ready to set Sail out of the River of Clyd,/ against 
the 20. of February in this instant year, 1684./ . . . ./ 

Broadside. CSmH CtY DFo IU MH NNUT-Mc NjPT 

Merchant Gibson advertises that he will transport adults at £5 
each, children between two and fourteen years for 50 shillings each, 
and children under two at no charge. Tradesmen unable to pay their 
own fare will be transported at Gibson's expense provided they will 
serve him for three years, he to "furnish them sufficiently with Meat, 
Cloaths, and other necessaries." He offers to advise prospective settlers 
on questions which they might have and announces that he has on 
hand in Glasgow "Patterns of some Tools which are used" in Carolina. 
"Those who go in this Vessel," he notes, "will have the occasion of the 
good company of several sober, discreet Persons, who intend to settle 
in Carolina, will dwell with them, and be ready to give good advice, 
and assistance to them in their choice of the Plantations; whose Society 
will be very helpful and comfortable, especiallv at their first setting 
there." 23 

28 On December 20, 1683, the Privy Council of Scotland received a petition (not 
further identified) from Walter Gibson which was sent to the Committee on Public 
Affairs. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Oct. 1, 1683-April SO, 168 U (London: His 
Majesty's Stationery Office, 1938), 160. 

100 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1685 * [31] 

[Crouch, Nathaniel] 24 

The English/ Empire/ in/ America:/ Or a Prospect of His Majesties 
Dominions/ in the West Indies. Namely,/ Newfoundland/ New-England/ 
New-York/ Pennsylvania/ New-Jersey/ Maryland/ Virginia/ Carolina/ 
Bermuda's/ Barbuda/ Anguilla/ Montserrat/ Dominica/ St. Vincent/ 
Antego/ Mevis, or/ Nevis/ S. Christophers/ Barbadoes/ Jamaica/ With 
an account of the Discovery, Scituation,/ Product, and other Excellencies 
of these Countries./ To which is prefixed a Relation of the first Discovery/ 
of the New World called America, by the Spaniards./ And of the Re- 
markable Voyages of several English-/ men to divers places therein./ 
[rule] / Illustrated with Maps and Pictures./ [rule] / By R. B. Author of 
Englands Monarchs, &c. Admirable/ Curiosities in England &c. Historical 
Remarks of Lon-/ don, &c. The Late Wars in England, &c. And, the/ 
History of Scotland and Ireland./ [rule]/ London, Printed for Nath. 
Crouch. At the Bell in/ the Poultrey near Cheapside. 1685./ 

8.3 x 14.2 cm. [2] p. I, 209, [3] p. CLU-C CtY MiD-B NN 

Other editions appeared in 1692, 1698, and in the eighteenth century. 

Chapter X, "A Prospect of Carolina with the Scituation and Product 
thereof," on pages 137 to 153, briefly recites the facts of the 1663 
charter of Carolina and hastily dismisses the Albemarle colony as 
"bordering upon Virginia, and only exceeding it in Health, Fertility, 
and Mildness of the Winter." As Albemarle is "much of the same 
nature with it [Virginia]," the reader is not troubled with a further 
description. These words, Crouch neglected to say, were Samuel 

The Ashley River settlement is reported upon by "an Englishman, 
who has lived there, and was concerned in the settlement thereof." 
Here is perhaps the most accurate account yet given of Carolina win- 
ters with no attempt to make the region seem semi-tropical. The 
difference in winter temperatures in this area and those in the same 
latitude in Europe is commented upon. Flora and fauna, both wild and 
domesticated, also seem to be more correctly described than usual. 

Many of the planters "have an Indian Hunter which they hire for 
less than twenty Shillings a year, and one Hunter will very well find 
a Familv of thirty People with as much Vinison and Fowl, as they can 
well eat." 

Steps by which land grants might be obtained are carefully ex- 
plained, and the recommended equipment and supplies are specified. 

24 Nathaniel Crouch was a London bookseller from 1663 to about 1725. Under the 
pseudonym of Richard or Robert Burton he compiled at least 46 of the books which 
he sold. Plomer ? A Dictionary of Booksellers, 1668 to 1725, 89. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 101 

The final few pages are drawn from the account of "Mr. I. L., an 
Englishman"— John Lederer, no doubt— who had traveled "into the 
western parts of Carolina" some 14 years previously. 

1685 [32] 

Nouvelle/ Relation/ de la/ Caroline/ par/ un Gentil-homme Francois 
arrive,/ depuis deux mois, de ce nou-/ veau pais./ Ou il parle de la route 
qu'il faut tenir,/ pour y aller le plus furement, &/ de l'etat ou il a trouve 
cette/ Nouvelle contree./ [globe]/ A La Haye./ [rule]/ Chez Meyndert 
Uytweft/ Marchand Libraire de Meurant/ dans le Gortstraet./ [1685] 

13.2 x 7.3 cm. 36 p. DLC MH MiU-C PHi RPJCB ViU ViW 

Apparently designed as a guide for French Protestants who might 
be interested in coming to Carolina, this book contains many of the 
typical promotional statements on the good climate and weather, two 
crops in one season, and good land available at low cost. Geography, 
the produce of the land, animals ( wild as well as domesticated ) , and 
the form of government all are described at some length. In so far as it 
is specific, the information relates to Charleston and vicinity. 

Publication at The Hague probably was necessary because of the 
persecution of Protestants in France. It was in this year that the Edict 
of Nantes was revoked and thousands of French Huguenots fled the 

1686 [33] 

Plan pour former un Establisse-/ ment en Caroline./ A vant que d'entrer 
dans T examen particulier de ce/ project, il faut faire quelques considera- 
tions, . . ./ A La Haye./ Chez Meindert Uytwerf, Marchand/ Librarie 
dans l'Acterum. T An 1686./ 

19.5 x 15.5 cm. 15p. PHi RPJCB 

A brief statement concerning the geography of Carolina is followed 
by a rather full explanation of the government as set up under the 
Fundamental Constitutions. With the approval of the Lords Proprie- 
tors, it was proposed to establish a "Confederation" in Carolina. A 
series of 12 points concerning the plans are explained. Such things as 
the number of persons expected to join; "les graces & privileges que 
Ton demandera" of the Lords Proprietors; size of the tracts of land to 

102 The North Carolina Historical Review 

be occupied; the use of Negroes for labor; trie "Artisans absoulment 
necessaires"— including metal workers, carpenters, brickmasons, a 
tailor, a doctor, "Une sage femrne entendue aux accouchemens," 
butchers, bakers, and so on; produce expected— grain, grapes for wine, 
cattle; and finally in the list under the heading "Quelles doivent estra 
les conditions de la confederation & la forme que Ton y peut donner," 
is an "Acte de Confederation" consisting of 31 subsections setting 
forth the rights and obligations of the Confederation on one hand and 
the "Seigneurs Proprietaries" on the other. A list of 29 "Conventions de 
la Communaute" contains details for the conduct of routine affairs 
of the settlement. 

Those desiring further information are directed to address "Mon- 
sieur " (name intended to be supplied in manuscript) 

in London, another in Amsterdam, and a third in Rotterdam. 

[1686?] [34] 

[Remarques sur la Nouvelle Relation de la Caroline, par un Gentilhomme 
Francois.— MDCLXXXVL] 

"A thin duedecimo brochure.'* No copy known. 

A translation of this pamphlet appears in the September, 1842, 
issue of The Magnolia; or, Southern Apalachian (New Series, Vol. I, 
No. 3, pages 226-229), published in Charleston, S.C. The contributor 
of the translation is not identified, but in his prefatory remarks he 
states that this brochure came to his attention while he was "looking 
over some old pamphlets and manuscripts." 

According to the translation the pamphlet was an almost page-by- 
page attack on the Nouvelle Relation de la Caroline par Un Gentil- 
homme Frangois published at The Hague probably the year before. 
Following this attack there was a section entitled "Some Remarks on 
the Country, People and Government of Carolina" in which the author 
launched out on his own in criticizing Carolina, particularly its location 
near Spanish settlements and its form of government. Earlier, to sub- 
stantiate his own statements the author tells that he had been inti- 
mately acquainted with "a gentleman who was one of its [Carolina's] 
former governors." Since this thin volume was unfavorable to Carolina 
and would therefore tend to discourage French Huguenot migration, 
it may very well have been printed in France as an antidote to the 
volume which it attacked. 

Seventeenth Century Bibliography 103 

1687 [35] 

[Blome, Richard] 

The/ Present State/ of His Majesties/ Isles and Territories/ in America,/ 
Viz./ Jamaica, Barbadoes, Anguilla, Bermudas,/ S. Christophers, Nevis, 
Carolina, Virginia,/ Antego, S. Vincent, New-England, Tobago/ Dominica, 
New-Jersey, New-Found-Land,/ Pensilvania, Monserat, Mary-Land, New- 
York; With New Maps of every Place./ Together with/ Astronomical 
Tables,/ Which will serve as a constant Diary or Calendar,/ for the use 
of the English Inhabitants in those/ Islands; from the Year 1686, to 
1700./ Also a Table by which, at any time of the Day or Night here in/ 
England, you may know what Hour it is in any of those parts./ And how 
to make Sun-Dials fitting for all those places./ [rule']/ Licens'd, July 20. 
1686. Roger L'Estrange./[r^e]/ London:/ Printed by H. Clark, for 
Dorman Newman, at the/Kings-Arms in the Poultrey, 1687./ 

11.5 x 18.5 cm. [8], 262, [36] p. DLC ICN ICU MB MBAt MH MnU NcU 

"A Description of Carolina" is on pages 150 to 182. Illustrating the 
account is "A New Map of Carolina By Robt Morden." The text for 
the most part is copied directly from Samuel Wilson's An Account of 
the Province of Carolina in America. Occasionally words or phrases 
have been changed, the order of a few paragraphs has been altered, 
and a little of Wilson's account omitted entirely. A concluding report 
on "Creatures" and on Indians is attributed to an unidentified "Gentle- 
man"— actually John Lederer— who had also been credited for informa- 
tion previously reported. The text of the 1665 charter of Carolina to the 
Lords Proprietors is included in this report following the text of the 

1695 [36] 

[Peachie, John] 

Some/ Observations/ Made upon the Herb/ Cassiny;/ Imported from 
Carolina:/ Shewing/ Its Admirable Virtues in curing/ the Small Pox./ 
[broken rule]/ Written by a Physitian in the Countrey to/ Esq; Boyle at 
London./ [broken rule]/ London,/ Printed in the Year 1695./ 

19 x 13 cm. 8 p. CSmH DNLM 

John Peachie or Pechey, to whom this and similar works has been 
ascribed, was a London physician and apothecary. He describes here 
some of his experiences with the "Famous Carolina Herb called Cas- 
siny." For his smallpox patients he prescribed "a few Drops of the 

104 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Tincture of this temperate Herb in Water-gruel, or in Panado, or 
Posset-drink." In one instance he treated "several young Gentlewomen" 
at a boarding school "who highly valued their Beauty," with Cassiny, 
and he knew of "a Court Lady of great Beauty" who was given the 
same herb. All recovered without a blemish to mar their beauty. 

The Cassiny which the London physician praised so highly is Ilex 
Cassine, better known in North Carolina as yaupon. 

1698 [37] 

The Two/ Charters/ Granted by/ King Charles lid./ To the/ Proprietors/ 
of/ Carolina./ With the first and last/ Fundamfntal [sic] Constitutions/ 
of that/ Colony./ [rule]/ London:/ Printed, and are to be Sold by Richard 
Parker, at the/ Unicorn, under the Piazza of the Royal Exchange./ 

22 x 16.7 cm. 60 p. CSmH DLC MH MWiW-C NcD-L NcU NN NNC PPL 

The final version of the Fundamental Constitutions dated April 11, 
1698, appears on pages 53 to 60, and is made up of 41 sections. The 
March 1, 1670, version consisting of 120 sections is on pages 33 to 52. 
It is this latter version which was officially promulgated and sent to 
Carolina, hence its description as "the First . . ." on the title page. 

The date 1698 is not assigned without reservation. That date is 
given because it is the latest date recorded in the text. Most copies 
have an additional eight pages, separately numbered, bound in follow- 
ing page 60. These pages contain "The Copy of an Act lately pass'd 
in Carolina, and sent over to be confirmed here by the Lord Granville, 
Palatine, and the rest of the Lords Proprietors of the said Colony. . . ." 
The act is dated May 6, 1704, but it bears evidence of having been 
separately printed and merely bound in at the end of the preceding 

The copy of this book in the North Carolina Collection at the Uni- 
versity of North Carolina was formerly owned by Lord Craven and 
was acquired by the late Bruce Cotten from Combe Abbey in 1924. 
It bears the bookplate of William Lord Craven. 


The Papers of Zebulon Baird Vance, Volume I, 1843-1862. Edited by Fron- 
tis W. Johnston. (Raleigh: State Department of Archives and History. 
1963. Foreword, preface, illustrations, and index. Pp. Ixxiv, 475. $5.00.) 

Zebulon B. Vance, born in Buncombe County, North Carolina, May 
13, 1830, obtained his education at Washington College, Tennessee, 
and the University of North Carolina. He was admitted to the bar in 
1853, establishing himself in practice in Asheville. The next year 
Vance was sent to the State legislature and in 1858 he was elected to 
the United States Congress. Up until the firing on Fort Sumter and 
Lincoln's call for troops he was opposed to secession but these two 
events caused him to reverse his position. Declining all overtures to 
be a candidate for the Confederate Congress, Vance raised a company 
of troops and marched off to war. By the end of the summer he had 
risen to the rank of colonel, and on March 14, 1862, commanded the 
26th North Carolina Regiment in the Battle of New Bern. The climax 
of his military career came the following July in the bloody fighting 
around Richmond. 

The harsh realities of war were, nevertheless, unable to take the 
young colonel's mind far from politics. He ran for Governor of his 
native State in the summer elections of 1862 and won a smashing 
victory over William Johnston. Vance's critics charged that the Raleigh 
Standard, under the astute editorship of W. W. Holden, had played 
up his role in the Battle of New Bern to make him governor. This 
charge cannot be substantiated. Doubtless, "he was a better war 
governor for having been a soldier." 

As the second winter of the War approached, the condition of the 
North Carolina troops in the Confederate army was "little short of 
desperate." The Governor tried a number of temporary expedients, but 
he realized that a more permanent solution must be found. "It was 
under these circumstances that Vance turned to the most celebrated 
device of the war, the idea of running the blockade." Unfortunately 
for the reader, the story of this exciting business will have to come in 
a later volume, as the one under review covers only the letters writ- 
ten to and from Vance during the years from 1843-1862. 

106 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dean Frontis W. Johnston of Davidson College is to be com- 
mended for his fine editorial work. His biographical sketch of Vance 
is excellent. The explanatory notes for the letters are more than ade- 
quate and an Index and illustrations add to the value of this large 
volume. If any criticism can be made of this volume it is that it was 
a long time in reaching the printer. Also, it covers only a short period 
in the long and colorful career of one of North Carolina's better known 
public figures. 

John G. Barrett 
Virginia Military Institute 

Prelude to Yorktown : The Southern Campaign of Nathanael Greene, 1780- 
1781. By M. F. Treacy. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro- 
lina Press. 1963. Maps, notes, and index. Pp. vi, 261. $6.00.) 

Nathanael Greene's masterful conquest of the Carolinas has never 
ceased to fascinate historians. The latest study, though it deals only 
with the period of Greene's duel with Cornwallis in North Carolina, is 
no doubt the best account of those momentous three months that has 
been written. Surprisingly, this book was a doctoral dissertation, so 
well written and well researched that it needed very little revision 
before publication. If the result is not a typically dry, factual disserta- 
tion, it is also true that Mrs. Treacy was hardly a typical graduate 
student. For the past half century her life has been associated with 
army people; her husband is a retired army colonel. To her subject 
she has brought a wealth of military background and insight. The 
book literally bristles with sparkling observations and interpretations 
that are new and revealing. Since full justice cannot be done this fine 
volume in a brief review, it can simply be said that her work is a must 
for any scholar in the field of Revolutionary war history in the southern 

No one, including Greene himself, held out high hopes for the short, 
stocky Rhode Islander at the time he assumed command of the shat- 
tered southern army after the Battle of Camden. No theater of the war 
had been such a graveyard for the reputations of American generals. 
There Robert Howe, Benjamin Lincoln, and Horatio Gates had met 
with failure. Greene, who had never previously set foot below the 
Potomac, found himself with only 800 men properly clothed and equip- 
ped for regular duty. Approximately three and a half months later his 
command had won the Battle of Cowpens, staggered Cornwallis at 

Book Reviews 107 

Guilford Courthouse, and drawn the British general so far from his 
South Carolina base of supply that he wandered off to Virginia and, 
eventually, to a date with destiny at a place called Yorktown. 

How did Greene accomplish all this? Part of the answer, at least, 
lies in the nature of the man. Greene was a thorough realist; Mrs. 
Treacy notes that he had "a tendency to view life from the gloomy 
side and to view the future with foreboding." Yet, once a decision was 
made, Greene exuded confidence and determination. "If, coupled with 
this inner trust in his own integrity," writes Mrs. Treacy, a soldier is 
"alert, intelligent and resourceful with the tools at hand," he "can be 
well nigh invincible." And so it was with Greene. His military talents 
were in no way of the romantic variety, for he lacked the personal 
touch of a Daniel Morgan who inspired men in combat. Indeed, the 
battlefield was really not Greene's forte. As the author remarks, "His 
genius lay rather in an infinite capacity for taking pains in advance." 
As a planner and organizer he was unexcelled by any British or Ameri- 
can general in the war. Perhaps no one expressed the reasons for 
Greene's success better than the man himself: "I have been obliged to 
practice that by finesse, which I dare not attempt by force." 

Don Higginbotham 
Louisiana State University 

The Civil War in North Carolina. By John G. Barrett. (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press. 1963. Illustrations, notes, bibliog- 
raphy, and index. Pp. viii, 484. $10.00.) 

With indefatigable research (the adjective being used advisedly), 
Professor John G. Barrett of the Virginia Military Institute history 
department has brought together a splendid account of the part of 
the Civil War fought within the borders of North Carolina. His volume 
not only will stand out as one of the pinnacles of the Centennial ob- 
servance in the State, but also likely will remain the standard work on 
this subject for long to come. 

Perhaps the greatest value of the book is its comprehensive coverage 
of the various campaigns along the North Carolina coast, from Ben 
Butler's early descent on Hatteras to the disastrous loss of Fort Fisher 
in the closing months of the conflict. Not before, as far as this reviewer 
is aware, has this aspect of the War been given such careful study and 
intelligent treatment. The author is not offering a complete picture of 

108 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the State's War effort, the most sanguinary part of which went into 
the Virginia campaigns of Lee's army. 

The reader is treated with a procession of stories, such as Hoke's 
capture of Plymouth, the destruction of the Confederate Ram "Albe- 
marle," the desperate fighting at Fort Fisher, the warfare between 
neighbors in the mountains and numerous grueling but usually minor 
campaigns not awarded much space in the general histories. 

Professor Barrett writes with strict objectivity. He does not under- 
take to extol the State beyond a recital of the facts. The depressing 
stories of North Carolina desertions and of the bushwhacker war in the 
western counties are related candidly. Governor Vance is credited ( p. 
242 ) with sympathizing with the deserters, though he was energetic to 
recover them for the army. The book gains in interest as the War pro- 
gresses. Among the best chapters are those at the close dealing with 
Bentonville and the Bennett farmhouse surrender of Johnston to Sher- 
man. The reader experiences the full burden of sadness when the 
breakup of the Confederacy occurs. 

A point of interest is the understanding, even sympathetic treatment 
of Sherman, whose ruthless warfare is credited with defeating the 
South, but who was cordial and considerate to his former enemies 
once the fighting ceased. The author explains: "It was not a sense of 
cruelty and barbarism that prompted Sherman to formulate his theory 
of total war. This conception was the outgrowth of a search for the 
quickest, surest, and most efficient means to win a war" (p. 292). 

This reviewer misses adequate character or personality sketches of 
the main soldiers brought across the stage— Hoke, D. H. Hill, Whiting, 
Matt Ransom, and several others. Idolizers of Zeb Vance will regret 
that he is not given a more dominant role in the State's war effort. His 
significance seems secondary throughout and even in the matter of the 
blockade-runner "Advance," he had to be subjected to "much per- 
suasion" by Adjutant General James G. Martin before authorizing the 
purchase and outfitting of the famous ship. One does not glimpse in 
this volume the greatness ordinarily associated with Vance. 

Purely from a structural standpoint the book suffers from an excess 
of punctilious documentation. One chapter contains 311 supernumerals 
of citations and explanations in the back, plus 61 additional footnotes 
beneath the text. Citation appears to have reached here a startling 
extreme. Another chapter has 157 citations plus footnotes, and still 
another 147. Professor Barrett's book suggests that unless the growing 
trend toward overcitation is moderated a reader's revolt might well 
result. He would have served the average student better by annotating 

Book Reviews 109 

only fresh or unusual material, or what might be subject to question, 
and by allowing his bibliography to carry a heavier part of the load 
borne by his distracting dual set of notes. 

This book, like most of those packed with vast detail, is not without 
minor error. D. H. Hill was a native of South Carolina, not North 
Carolina (p. 150). Burnside was a native of Indiana, not Rhode Island 
(p. 90). Burnside would not likely have known Colonel Reuben P. 
Campbell, an adversary at New Bern, at West Point, since their classes 
were seven years apart. But these matters do not defeat the essential 
excellence of the book. Professor Barrett is to be commended for the 
scope of his inquiries into old manuscripts, memoirs and letters, as 
well as the printed sources, many of them obscure. Altogether he is 
to be congratulated on a noble achievement of great value to all 
concerned with the Civil War in North Carolina. 

Glenn Tucker 
Flat Rock 

Union List of North Carolina Newspapers, 1751-1900. Edited by H. G. 
Jones and Julius H. Avant. (Raleigh : State Department of Archives and 
History. 1963. Introduction. Pp. xiii, 152. $3.00.) 

Newspapers are an invaluable source for the study of American 
civilization, and this is especially true in earlier history when the mak- 
ing and keeping of records was not nearly as extensive as today. A 
newspaper reflects the public and private character of a community, 
and it is frequently the source of specific facts unobtainable else- 
where. The speech, humor, business activities, social life, marriages, 
births, deaths, political contests, proceedings of organized groups, 
whether for social, business, educational, or religious purposes, may 
be seen in the press. The newspaper reflects the life and times of a 
society and for variety and interest it has no equal among historical 

Other valuable bibliographies of newspapers have been compiled, 
on a national scale, but they are inevitably incomplete. A few States 
have compiled lists of their newspapers, but probably none is as com- 
plete as this list of North Carolina newspapers. It is the work of many 
hands over a long period of time, and was brought to completion bv the 
State Department of Archives and History in co-operation with the 
North Carolina Library Association. It not only lists but it also locates 

110 The North Carolina Historical Review 

every known copy of every North Carolina newspaper from the begin- 
ning through 1900. It also includes "several hundred titles" not in any 
previous list, as well as titles of which no known copy exists. Further, 
as additional copies of North Carolina newspapers come to light sup- 
plemental lists will be issued. Serials, mostly magazines which are 
sometimes difficult to distinguish from newpapers, are listed but not 

This has been a tremendous undertaking and the result should be 
a source of satisfaction to all who are interested in North Carolina's 
past. It is important to note that the State Department of Archives and 
History has undertaken to microfilm files of North Carolina news- 
papers and that it is now possible to secure positive copies on film of 
approximately 75 per cent of all newspapers published prior to 1900. 

Robert H. Woody 
Duke University 

North Carolina: The History of a Southern State. By Hugh Talmage 
Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome. (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press. [Revised edition] 1963. Appendixes, bibliography, and 
index. Pp. xii, 756. $8.00.) 

Professor Lefler has strengthened an already distinguished and 
highly useful history of North Carolina, which was first published nine 
years ago, by the revisions made for this edition. Some 70 pages of 
additional narrative have allowed him to cover the twentieth century 
with the same depth and balance that characterize the earlier portions 
of the book. 

To illustrate the enhanced value of this new edition, one might note 
what has happened in the treatment of North Carolina's recent poli- 
tical history. The first edition contained two chapters, entitled "Politi- 
cal Trends" and "Impact of Outside Forces," that hit the highlights of 
the State's political history from 1900 through 1952. This edition, how- 
ever, has chapters on "A New Era in North Carolina Politics, 1901- 
1920"; "Politics, 1920-1932: Governors Morrison, McLean, and Gard- 
ner"; "The New Deal to the Outbreak of World War II, 1933-1941"; 
"World War II and After: Progress and Problems, 1941-1952"; and "In 
the Mainstream: A Decade of Great Growth and Change." Altogether, 
four entirely new chapters have been added aside from the extensive 
reorganization of all the material, economic and social as well as politi- 
cal, dealing with this century. 

Book Reviews 111 

In his treatment of contemporary developments, Professor Lefler is 
refreshingly candid. He notes, for example, that despite the National 
Geographies calling North Carolina a "Dixie Dynamo" in 1962, the 
State still has a problem of inequitable representation in the legisla- 
ture as serious as it had in the 1830's, when North Carolina was known 
not as a dynamo but as the "Rip Van Winkle State." And despite all 
the progress, illiteracy in the State remains a blight and disgrace. 

The book ends with a sentence that, if it should come true, would 
surely justify a third edition: "There were even predictions that the 
Republicans might win the gubernatorial election of 1964." 

Robert F. Durden 
Duke University 

Here Lies Virginia : An Archaeologist's View of Colonial Life and History. 
By Ivor Noel Hume. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1963. Illustrations 
and index. Pp. xx, 317. $7.95.) 

The subtitle to the fetching title of Ivor Noel Hume's book clearly 
indicates its content and, as he states in the Preface, he has "tried to 
demonstrate that archaeology and recorded history can and must com- 
bine together to fill in the missing details." The historical records of 
colonial Virginia, even after persistent efforts to find, retrieve, and 
preserve them, are fragmentary at many points; and historians have 
been lethargic in recognizing and using sources available through his- 
torical archeology. In providing the first comprehensive survey of the 
subject Mr. Hume, chief archeologist of Colonial Williamsburg, de- 
velops it always with attention drawn to archeological principles, but 
equally with feeling for the entertaining incident and the unusual 
artifact that will hold the interest of the reader. By effective use of the 
specific example he also makes and reiterates the plea for preservation 
and investigation of valuable sites that become expendable as an ex- 
panding, irresponsible population encroaches on them. 

Chapter I, "In Defense of Yesterday," deals with principles ( chron- 
ology, stratigraphy) and points out that "the ability to identify and 
date the relics of the past is the first requirement for the archaeologist, 
no matter in what period of history or pre-history he specializes." 
Since Virginia's colonial period is one of historical archeology, Mr. 
Hume devotes the other nine chapters to demonstrating the peculiar 
contribution of this discipline to modern knowledge of the people and 

112 The North Carolina Historical Review 

their way of life. He considers his subject first by means of the geo- 
historical approach, looking closely at Roanoke Island and the "Lost 
Colony" (Chapter 2), Jamestown (Chapter 3), Williamsburg (Chap- 
ters 4-5), and selected plantations— "Rosewell," "Corotoman," "Green 
Spring" (Chapter 6)— where field work has been carried on. For each 
location a historical sketch supplies the framework in which pertinent 
archeological data supply evidence lacking in the written records. 
Thus the digging at Jamestown leads to the conclusion that the first 
capital was not densely settled; at Williamsburg, that Middle Planta- 
tion attracted few residents during the seventeenth century, to judge 
by the scarcity of artifacts of that period. A survey of the Williams- 
burg Restoration project in Chapter 5 serves as background for ap- 
preciating the importance of archeological work in rebuilding the 
Governor's Palace and restoring the Wren building. 

The last four chapters are richer in archeological data. Here the 
author concentrates on artifacts and their survival in relation to the 
materials from which they were made: glass, iron, clay, silver, wood; 
and he demonstrates irrefutably that an expert knowledge of the 
history of arts and crafts is indispensable for identifying and dating 
the objects (often fragments) and for drawing valid conclusions from 
them in relation to one another in their particular location. Mr. Hume's 
previous research in England has proved advantageous in applying 
his knowledge of English artifacts and changes in style and taste to 
the Virginia scene. 

The archeological information in Mr. Hume's book comes from some 
15 sites and 20 digs (not counting individual locations in Williams- 
burg) since the earliest, on Roanoke Island in 1895. The first work 
began at Jamestown in 1901, and it is very fitting that he commends 
the zealous efforts of the Association for the Preservation of Virginia 
Antiquities in preserving historic sites there and in Williamsburg, 
which in due time yielded invaluable data. Although Mr. Hume de- 
clares that his book does not purport to be "a history of colonial 
archaeology in Virginia," the incidental information he has included 
on this subject should not be overlooked. 

In his opening chapter Mr. Hume asserts that "the discovery of an 
artifact . . . makes us want to know how it came to be where it was 
found. The object itself is of secondary importance." Or, as Sir Mor- 
timer Wheeler puts it, "the archaeologist is digging up, not things, but 
people'' Thus Mr. Hume recognizes the evidence that confronts him; 
he asks meaningful questions of it; and in readable fashion he makes 
possible a richer appreciation of colonial Virginians and how they 

Book Reviews 113 

lived. His volume, an artistic specimen of bookmaking in the manner 
of Knopf publications, is profusely illustrated, the pictures and text 
conveniently co-ordinated for pleasurable reading. 

Lester J. Cappon 
Institute of Early American History and Culture 

Messages of the Governors of Tennessee. Volume VI, 1869-1883. Edited 
by Robert H. White. (Nashville: The Tennessee Historical Commission. 
1963. Illustrations, appendixes, topical index, and general index. Pp. 
vi, 799. $4.00.) 

This volume covers the 14 years during which the chief executive 
office of Tennessee was occupied successively by DeWitt Clinton Sen- 
ter, 1869-1871; John Calvin Brown, 1871-1875; James Davis Porter, 
1875-1879; Albert Smith Marks, 1879-1881; and Alvin Hawkins, 1881- 
1883. As in the earlier volumes of this series, the space allotted to the 
messages of each governor is preceded by a handy biographical sketch 
of the governor in question, and the messages themselves are supple- 
mented and interspersed with useful introductory, explanatory, and 
extra documentary material, to such an extent in fact as to make the 
volume a virtual legislative history of the State during the period it 

This period of Tennessee history was one of recovery and readjust- 
ment following the Civil War and Reconstruction periods which had 
left the State burdened with a debt of more than $32,000,000 and a 
large element of the white citizenry deprived of the elective franchise. 
These two heritages of war and reconstruction led to spirited political 
campaigns on the part of candidates for office and absorbed a large 
share of the time and activity of governors and legislatures. The elec- 
tive franchise was restored to former Confederates during the Senter 
administration, but while none of the five governors of the period 
1869-1883 recommended repudiation of the State debt, any proposed 
plan of settlement was met by various counterplans throughout the 
major portion of this period, resulting in legislative chaos and frustra- 

Despite the precarious financial situation, the period was not devoid 
of achievement along other lines. Exercise of the recently-acquired 
veto power by Governor Senter disclosed the value of this prerogative. 
Two important State agencies which have functioned continuously 

114 The North Carolina Historical Review 

since their creation were established by the legislature at the request 
of Governor Porter— the State Board of Education in 1875 and the State 
Board of Public Health in 1877. Two exceedingly important Supreme 
Court decisions, Williams v. Bougner in 1869 and Lynn v. Polk in 
1881, respectively, broke the power of the Radicals in Tennessee and 
invalidated the Funding Act of 1881 which would have made State 
bond coupons "receivable in payment for all taxes and debts due the 
state" for 99 years. 

In general the editor has approached this strategic period of Ten- 
nessee history with the same care and judgment as have been evident 
in his preceding volumes of this series. Exceptions are noted on pages 
405-406 which unnecessarily reproduce a message initially appearing 
on pages 393-394 and on page 515 on which is repeated a message 
already printed on page 513. 

James W. Patton 
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 

Ante-Bellum Thomas County, 1825-1861. By William Warren Rogers. 
(Tallahassee: The Florida State University [Florida State University 
Studies Number Thirty-Nine]. 1963. Illustrations and index. Pp. xvi, 
136. $4.50.) 

Created in 1825, Thomas County lies in South Georgia along the 
Florida boundary, geographically and historically more akin to the 
latter than to the former. This brief study by Professor Rogers attempts 
to depict the economic, political, social, and institutional history of 
that County up to the Civil War, with the intention of continuing the 
account after 1861 in a second volume. 

Thomas County, although it contained a number of cotton and sugar 
plantations, possessed the fluid society of the Alabama and Mississippi 
frontiers. Its citizens participated in the Seminole Indians Wars, 
founded towns, fought unsuccessfully for railroads and better roads, 
and established churches and schools. Most of its trade was carried on 
through Florida ports, and it was even a part of the Florida District 
of the Methodist Church. There were some homes of elegance, a good 
high school known as Fletcher Institute, a newspaper, and a number 
of professional men, although no great Georgia leaders came from 
Thomas County during this period. 

Of particular merit are the chapters on "Indian Troubles and Citizen 
Soldiers," "The Gospel Truth," and "Education— Town and Country," 

Book Reviews 115 

undoubtedly because of a greater wealth of source materials. The 
chapter on 'Town Life" suffers from a paucity of sources, as does 
"Politics and the Approach of War." Enough details to reconstruct 
these aspects of life come chiefly from newspapers, and there appears 
to be no satisfactory run of local papers until 1855. 

Professor Rogers' research has been painstaking. His v/riting, how- 
ever, exhibits a number of poorly organized paragraphs and sections. 
There are too many typographical errors, and "yeoman" and "integral" 
are consistently misspelled. The one inadequate map lacks clarity and 
the statistical tables are poorly arranged. Many questions occur to the 
reader which are not answered. Although not as satisfactory as Sarah 
Gober Temple's Cobb County, it is nevertheless a worthwhile study 
and will increase in value when Volume II is published. 

Sarah McCulloh Lemmon 
Meredith College 

Florida During the Civil War. By John E. Johns. (Gainesville: University 
of Florida Press. 1963. Maps, illustrations, notes, bibliography, and 
index. Pp. ix, 265. $6.00.) 

This book tells the story of the Civil War in a State that was largely 
on its periphery and which was never important enough to be either 
strongly defended by the Confederacy or consistently occupied by the 
Union. Not a definitive work, it has been criticized by Civil War buffs 
(an insatiable breed!) for lack of military detail, but those who do not 
dote on military history will find it a satisfactory summation of Flori- 
da's Civil War role. 

Professor Johns' narrative style is engaging and the book is a 
pleasure to read, but it tells little that was not told by William Watson 
Davis (Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida, New York, 1913). 
Essentially, this is the story of a sparsely populated State with slim re- 
sources which, under the pressures of war, experienced political, eco- 
nomic, and social disintegration. It begins with secession, mobiliza- 
tion, and the early sparring around Pensacola Bay and virtually ends 
with the Battle of Olustee, the only large-scale Civil War engagement 
in Florida. In between, Professor Johns details governmental, eco- 
nomic, and social problems. 

Florida unsuccessfully experimented with an "Executive Council" 
designed to curb the governor, was frequently hindered by an inability 

116 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of local officials to perform their functions, and avoided severe clashes 
with the Richmond government largely because Governor John Milton 
was not an ardent state rights man. Frictions arose from the extended 
existence of the secession convention, interfering in legislative mat- 
ters, and trouble arose in the militia from animosities between officers 
appointed by former Governor Madison S. Perry and those named by 

Economic problems centered in government finance, agriculture, in- 
dustry, and transportation. The State met most of its obligations by 
printing money or borrowing; taxes were not raised and tax revenues 
actually declined during the War. Agricultural problems largely in- 
volved shifting from cotton to food production and, exhorted by public 
opinion and coerced by State limitations on cotton acreage, Florida 
farmers succeeded in making the change. By war's end Florida was 
a leading supplier of provisions to the Confederate armies. Industry 
counted for little in the State's economy but federal blockades made 
salt scarce, and during the war years salt-making became the State's 
largest industry with Florida producing more than any other southern 
State. Florida railroads were not extensive and were practically useless 
in the war effort. 

Wartime social tensions centered upon disloyalty and fear of the 
Negroes. Interestingly, Professor Johns shows that white deserters, 
draft-dodgers, and unionists were a more serious threat than either 
slaves or free Negroes. In the latter half of the War great areas of the 
State, not under Federal occupation, were under effective control of 
anti-Confederate forces. 

This admirable book warrants only a few criticisms. More space 
could have been given to life in federal Florida— Key West and the 
frequently-occupied eastern regions. This is really a Confederate view 
of the Civil War in Florida. A few judgments of the author— such as 
his view that only headstrong men thought James Buchanan's course 
was ridiculous (pp. 42-43), and his assertion that Florida railroads 
were not seriously hampered by the enemy (p. 137)— are demonstrably 
at odds with fact. Though this reviewer wishes more attention had 
been given to political machinations, he persists in judging this a good 

Herbert J. Doherty, Jr. 
University of Florida 

Book Reviews 117 

The Confederate Constitutions. By Charles Robert Lee, Jr. (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press. 1963. Appendix and index. 
Pp. viii, 225. $6.00.) 

In the mythology of present-day politics which passes for political 
theory, centralization in government is known to be progressive, while 
State Rights is a highly conservative position. The protection of minori- 
ties is progressive, as is the extension of executive power, while con- 
cepts of fiscal integrity are so outmoded as to be sheer reactionary. As 
touchstones for evaluating government activity these concepts break 
down when confronted with the provisions and constitutions of the 
Confederate States of America. Here was an instrument, in fact two 
instruments, of government designed for a political body which was 
known to be conservative. Yet these instruments contained basic re- 
forms which in later years were taken up by "progressives" and pre- 
sented as fundamental reforms of the American governmental system. 
There was, for example, the executive budget; there was the item veto 
—both adding to the power of the presidency— there was a written-in 
constitutional guarantee of the rights of the minority and careful safe- 
guards against logrolling and wasteful appropriations for internal im- 

Dr. Lee has made a careful day by day study of the formation 
of the two Confederate constitutions. Within 35 days the 50 delegates 
to the Montgomery Convention framed two distinct constitutions. Both 
were based upon the Constitution of the United States, yet each con- 
tained significant improvements which had been dictated by experi- 
ence. There was, for example, a six-year term for the president of the 
Confederacy and a provision that he should not be eligible for re- 
election. There were increased checks and balances, and the constitu- 
tions provided for cabinet members being permitted seats in Congress 
with voices if not votes. This might well have created a parliamentary 
system had the Confederacy lasted into the period of peace. Altogether, 
concludes Dr. Lee, the spoils system had its harmful effect corrected 
by the two constitutions and they insured the fiscal integrity of the 
government. They were, he said, "The ultimate constitutional ex- 
pression of the states rights philosophy and the state sovereignty con- 
cept in America." They made valuable contributions to governmental 

Dr. Lee has studied the activities of the Montgomery Convention 
with a great deal of care. He has surveyed the available literature 
relating to the formation of the provisional and the permanent consti- 

118 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tutions. Perhaps, indeed, a longer study might have led into a greater 

exposition of the basic constitutional theory upon which the Con- 
federates acted. Yet the student of that larger phase will not need to 
repeat the careful work that Dr. Lee has ably done. 

William B. Hesseltine 
University of Wisconsin 

The Stonewall Brigade. By James I. Robertson, Jr. (Baton Rouge: Louis- 
iana State University Press. 1963. Foreword, sources, and index. Pp. 
xii, 271. $6.00.) 

Much has been written about the legendary Civil War general, 
Stonewall Jackson, and of the men from the Valley of Virginia who 
formed the Brigade that lovingly used his great name. On April 27, 
1861, General Robert E. Lee, commanding all the Virginia forces, 
ordered an unknown officer from the Virginia Military Institute to 
take charge of the troops stationed at Harpers Ferry. No one dreamed 
that this would begin an association that would develop into a four- 
year chronicle of courage, devotion, and achievement that would win 
everlasting fame for both Jackson and the Brigade. 

Unlike biographies of military leaders or accounts of individual 
battles, this volume superbly traces the complete history of a single 
unit from formation to the bitter end of defeat, by analyzing its leader- 
ship, man power, strategy, and participation in every engagement 
throughout the Civil War. The author has made it into a very readable 
study by describing the camp life, the famous Jackson marches, the 
personal experiences; and the result is "a vivid and often moving ac- 
count of courage and cowardice, triumph and heartbreak— and en- 
durance perhaps without parallel." 

The original muster of the brigade consisted of 2,611 men. Eleven 
months later battle casualties, illness, and resignations had depleted 
the ranks to 1,418, and by the end of the Second Manassas Campaign 
it was down to 635; yet by the end of 1862 its number was brought 
back up to 1,200 by re-enlistments. Replacements continued to trickle 
in until the end of the War, but never enough to offset the tremendous 
casualties incurred at Chancellorsville (barely 200 remained after this 
battle), Gettysburg, and Spotsylvania. So many members were cap- 
tured at Spotsylvania that the Brigade was consolidated with the rem- 
nants of three other brigades and served out the War in relative 
obscurity. At Appomattox 210 officers and men surrendered. 

Book Reviews 119 

The Valley Brigade was a young unit, three-fifths of its men being 
between eighteen and twenty-five while the most common age was 
nineteen. The soldiers possessed a varied occupational background. 
Farmers were the most numerous, followed by laborers, carpenters, 
students, clerks, merchants, tanners, blacksmiths also many lawyers, 
printers, doctors, civil engineers, and one minister. The Rockbridge 
Artillery became one of the most celebrated batteries in the whole 
Confederate Army and had on its first roll 28 college graduates, 25 
theological students, and seven men who held master's degrees from 
the University of Virginia. 

Within the ranks of the Stonewall Brigade were a number of men 
who distinguished themselves in both war and peace. Eight attained 
the rank of general. Three achieved postwar fame in the field of medi- 
cine. Many became prominent in law and State politics while two 
became outstanding jurists. Prominent clergymen were always con- 
spicuous in Jackson's army and all-night prayer services were not un- 
common. As one private snorted, "Our parson is not afraid of Yankee 
bullets, and I tell you he preaches like Hell." Noted families repre- 
sented in the Brigade include Lee (Robert E. Lee, Jr., and his cousin, 
William Fitzhugh); Raleigh T. Colston, grandson of John Marshall; 
two sons of Union Admiral David D. Porter; as well as the father of 
the Confederacy's best-known female spy, Belle Boyd. 

Seven men officially commanded the Brigade during; the long War. 
It was Stonewall Jackson who whipped the rough fighters into shape 
that earned for them a reputation for invincibility accepted by North 
and South alike. Confederate troops seemed to grow in confidence 
when they knew the Brigade was charging in an assault with them. 
Federal soldiers came to feel that the Brigade possessed some super- 
human power, a quality which they attributed to the unpredictable 
and mysterious Jackson. Upon his promotion in October, 1861, to com- 
mand the Valley District, he was followed by Richard B. Garnett; but 
after the trouble at Kernstown, March, 1862, Jackson relieved Garnett 
for failure to obey orders. The third commander was Charles Sidney 
Winder, who was noted for his high standards and severe discipline. 
He was killed during the Peninsula Campaign at Second Manassas. 
William Smith Hanger Baylor served as the fourth commander until 
his death in the Battle of Antietam. Elisha Franklin Paxton became 
the fifth commander and served until Chancellorsville where he and 
Jackson were killed. James Alexander Walker took over in May, 1863, 
and led the Brigade until Spotsylvania, whereupon William Tern 7 
served out the remainder of the War. 

120 The North Carolina Historical Review 

War ended at Appomattox, but not for the Stonewall Brigade. With 

them the final muster came in July, 1891, when an impressive statue 

of Jackson was dedicated over Old Jack's grave in Lexington, Virginia. 

A handful of grayhaired veterans gathered with 30,000 other people 

to pay a final tribute to the General. The Brigade members had been 

the center of attention and when a chill came into the air on the night 

before the ceremony, anxious townspeople wanted to make certain 

that the veterans should have warm and suitable accommodations for 

the night. A search in homes and hotels failed to yield a single soldier, 

but by midnight they were found huddled in blankets and overcoats 

seated around Jackson's statue in the cemetery. The local citizens 

urged the men to get up from the damp ground and partake of the 

town's hospitality, but no one stirred until one man finally arose. 

Speaking for the others, he said simply, "Thank ye, sirs, but we've slept 

around him many a night on the battlefield, and want to bivouac once 

more with Old Jack." And bivouac they did. 

Horace W. Raper 
Tennessee Polytechnic Institute 

The Democratic South. By Dewey W. Grantham, Jr. (Athens : University 
of Georgia Press. [Eugenia Dorothy Blount Lamar Memorial Lectures, 
1962] 1963. Notes. Pp. xii, 108. $2.50.) 

Two decades of research on the part of historians and political 
scientists have virtually rewritten the post-Civil War political history 
of the South. A volume which would pull together the results of this 
work has been badly needed. Now Dewey Grantham, Georgia-born 
Professor of History at Vanderbilt and historian of southern progressi- 
vism, has provided a well-conceived and well-written story of all those 
complexities of southern politics which are not illuminated by such 
handy stereotypes as the "solid South." The groundwork for this 
analysis lies in the pioneer studies of C. Vann Woodward and V. O. 
Key. The superstructure is drawn from a number of theses, articles, 
and monographs, including Grantham's own, which have appeared in 
a steady stream since 1946. The point which most of these studies have 
in common becomes the thesis of this book: That beneath the illusion 
of solidarity created by the race question and the omnipresence of 
the Democratic Party, there has been and is a steady procession of 
social, economic, and sectional conflicts. These conflicts have been 

Book Reviews 121 

the engine of social change and, one hopes, of social progress, in the 

Although not much is made of it here, even the race issue has not 
benn the subject of monolithic opinion in the South. From G. W. Cable 
in Reconstruction times, to W. D. Weatherford in 1912, W. W. Alex- 
ander in the thirties, and the rapidly growing group of southern sup- 
porters of civil rights today, there is a tradition of native dissent from 
the majority view of this matter. 

Dissent on other questions, as this book makes clear, has been 
vigorous. From the independency movements of the eighties, the 
Populists and Republicans in the nineties, the Progressives in the first 
three decades of this century, to the southern New Dealers and present- 
day followers of Stevenson and Kennedy there has been a strong— 
though not always effective— liberal tradition. Some of the reasons for 
its existence are developed here, and interesting prognostications for 
the future, at least by implication, are offered. Since southerners are as 
likely as anyone else to be taken in by their own mythology. Grant- 
ham's book deserves the widest reading not only among students but 
also among lay politicians. In the South that includes nearly eveiyone. 

Anne Firor Scott 
Duke University 

John Clayton: Pioneer of American Botany. By Edmund Berkeley and 
Dorothy Smith Berkeley. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro- 
lina Press. 1963. Appendix, notes, and index. Pp. ix, 236. §6.00.) 

The present volume is a welcome addition to the rapidly increasing 
collection of books pertaining to the cultural and social history of 
colonial America. In the field of botany, there has been a tendency 
for biographies of the chief figures to appear in alphabetical order. 
E. P. Earnest's work on the Bartrams was followed by a biography of 
Mark Catesby by G. F. Frick and R. P. Stearns. And now Professor 
Berkeley presents John Clayton. 

The first four chapters of the book are devoted to background ma- 
terial, pertaining both to Clayton himself and to the inter-relation 
between American and English botanical activity during the century 
prior to 1750. The central chapters are concerned with Clayton's cor- 
respondence with Gronovius and Linnaeus and his development into 
a botanist of international stature, culminating in 1773 with his election 
as President of the newly-formed Virginia Philosophical Society for 

122 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the Advancement of Useful Knowledge. Professor Berkeley concludes 
with an assessment of Clayton's work, emphasizing the influence of 
his Flora Virginia on Linnaeus. A particularly valuable feature of the 
book consists in its wealth of information on prominent eighteenth- 
century naturalists other than Clayton. 

Although rather short, the book is well organized and, for the most 
part, clearly (if somewhat stiffly) written. It is but seldom that the 
reader stumbles over such strange prose as "Bartram has made this 
trip in the fall of the year, that he might collect seeds. These, and 
plants, wrapped in paper, he packed in his two saddlebags, where the 
long, rough trip mixed them altogether. Eventually they arrived in 
England, unnamed and a perfect potpourri along with turtle eggs and 
insects" (page 91). Or, "His comments often include not only the 
character of habitat in which the plant thrives, but also the time of its 
flowering, other plants associated with it, methods of propagation, 
other than flowering, effects of weather, and relations with animals" 
(pape 144). 

The biographv is verv well documented. The source material is 
widely scattered and the authors have done an impressive job of 
bringing it together. He has made extensive use of the correspondence 
and other writings of Linnaeus, Colden, and Bartram, and has in- 
cluded a large number of explanatory notes (quite proper and neces- 
sarv in a work containing many scientific terms). 

It is to be honed that biogranhies of Alexander Garden (the Tohn 
Clavton of South Carolina), Tohn Mitchell, and a new one of Cad- 
Wallader Colden will soon follow the Berkeleys' splendid account of 
the life work of Tohn Clayton. If alphabetical order is to continue as 
the criterion, the logical successor to John Clayton, Pioneer of Ameri- 
can Botany might well be "Cadwallader Colden, Naturalist." Pro- 
fessor Berkeley? 

Robert W. Ramsey 
Hollins College 

Aristocrat in Uniform : General Duncan L. Clinch. By Rembert W. Patrick. 
(Gainesville: University of Florida Press. 1963. Maps, illustrations, a 
note on sources, and index. Pp. ix, 266. $5.50.) 

This in-depth biography of Duncan L. Clinch, a man whose life was 
filled with frustrations and difficulties, throws the spotlight of extensive 
research on a man who served his nation and his adopted State of 

Book Reviews 123 

Georgia with honor and distinction as soldier, congressman, and 

Born in Edgecombe County, this native "Tar Heel" received his first 
appointment as a lieutenant of the Third Infantry in 1808 at the rec- 
ommendation of J. Blount of "Tarborough," and continued his career 
in the United States Army until his resignation in 1836 as a brigadier 

With his sharp instinct for the dramatic in a man's Me, Mr. Patrick 
opens his account with a reminder of the most colorful assignment in 
Clinch's many years of service: the demolition of a Negro fort near 
Apalachicola Bay in Florida in 1816. 

During the War of 1812, a constant source of apprehension to the 
United States, in general, and President James Madison, in particular, 
was the presence of Indians along the border. It was feared that they 
might join the Spanish or the British. In 1815 and 1816 Spanish Florida 
was infested with adventurers, fugitives, thieves, plunderers, rene- 
gades, and other criminally inclined persons. Moreover, camps of 
Negroes, armed and ruling themselves, made slaveowning southerners 
particularly sensitive about this area. 

Ever present was the fear of a slave rebellion such as those heard 
of in San Domingo. In addition, southern editors had never given 
Negro troops credit for their service to the United States at the Battle 
of New Orleans; yet the news of their exploits became known by the 
grapevine, as well as the existence of a Negro militia and a self-govern- 
ing community in Florida. 

Earlier, in 1814, the British had selected the Apalachicola region as 
the most favorable point for controlling the river and for possible 
rendezvous. After the War they turned the fort over to the Negroes 
and the Choctaws on the condition that they would never allow a white 
man, other than an Englishman, to come in and that they would kill 
all white Americans who came near. 

In 1816 the fort sheltered 100 Negro men and their families and 
about 20 Choctaw braves. After careful preparation and many council 
meetings, Colonel Clinch, who had been ordered to demolish this fort, 
gave the command for a few trial shots by the gunboats which had 
come up the river and anchored near his battery, just opposite the 
Negro fort. To the surprise of everyone, the first shot was on target. 
So elated was the Sailing Master that, although he had no furnace for 
heating balls, he got a makeshift fire going, heated the cannonball 
red-hot, and thrust in into the powder-wadded cannon. This lucky shot 
exceeded his wildest dreams. The noise was heard all the way to 

124 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Pensacola; the Negro fort seemed to burs!, catapulting debris and 
human bodies in every direction. 

In his official report Clinch noted that of the 100 men, 200 women 
and children, and 20 Choctaw braves, not more than one-sixth escaped 
instant death. On August 2 the Colonel's campaign against the Negro 
fort was ended, and he returned to Camp Crawford. 

After this engagement, relatively peaceful years followed for Clinch 
in which he was absorbed in family affairs. The United States was 
pursuing a policy of removal of the southern Indian tribes to lands 
allotted to them west of the Mississippi and in 1828 the treaties with 
the Indians were made and broken by both sides. The Indians knew 
that no matter what the white man said, or signed, he would be 
pushed out of his native hunting grounds. On the other hand, the 
white man felt that the very presence of Indians was a continual 
threat to his own way of life. 

General Clinch tried to be compassionate to the Indians, but it was 
very nearly impossible. In 1835 Osceola, a fierce half-breed, angered 
by the many indignities to his fellow tribesmen, with his own hand 
scalped and assassinated General Wiley Thompson, President Jack- 
son's representative, who had been sent to speed the removal of the 
Indians. On the same day, December 28, Major Francis Dade and 100 
men were ambushed and massacred on the way to Fort King. Only two 
seriously wounded men were able to drag themselves back to tell the 
tragic story. 

Although Clinch was unaware of the disaster of the day before, 
he started his march toward the Withlacoochee on December 20 and 
there met the Seminoles in a shattering engagement. Time after time 
when his men were falling back in confusion, he rode his horse along 
the lines giving orders and shouting encouragement. When his horse 
went down with many wounds, Clinch on foot rallied his tired men 
for yet another attack. 

Even before the march back to Fort Drane, a controversy began 
which is unresolved to this day: Should they have pursued the Semi- 
noles across the river? But then it appeared to boil down to a simple 
matter of logistics; there was only one canoe, and the river was deep. 

After this Clinch resigned. He wanted to spend more time with 
his large family and he needed to look after his estate. Actually, how- 
ever, he did go into politics, serving as Georgia's representative in 
Congress. His military fame, as well as his personal integrity and good 
character, led the Georgia Whig Party to draft him as their nominee 
for the governorship in 1847. In a bitter gubernatorial campaign he 

Book Reviews 125 

was defeated by a narrow margin. This left him disillusioned with 
politics, and once again, he withdrew to private life. He died in 
Macon, Georgia, November 27, 1849. 

Even to a peripatetic layman, Mr. Patrick's chapters of Indian 
warfare in Florida are lively and informative. The biography is a 
scholarly and well-documented account of the colorful and useful 
patriot, citizen, and soldier of the Indians wars. It fills a useful niche 
in the adolescent period of the history of the United States. 

Louise Smith 


Sam Houston : American Giant. By M. K. Wisehart. (Washington, D. C. : 
Robert B. Luce, Inc. 1962. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, and index. 
Pp. xvi, 712. $10.00.) 

The author of this long, interestingly written book is a journalist who 
spent 20 years in its research and writing. None of the earlier Houston 
biographers, including Marquis James and Llerena Friend, has found 
so many details about the career of Sam Houston as his M. K. Wise- 
hart. His narrative would have been improved by more compactness. 

Young Sam early gave evidence of a precocious mind. He was rest- 
less, energetic, and determined. In physical make-up he was tall, 
muscular, and had great endurance. Sam had little formal education 
although he was reading Homer in Greek at fourteen years of age. 
In early manhood he became an alcoholic, a condition which con- 
tributed to his extreme jealousy. This in turn caused the dissolution of 
his early marriage and his resignation as Governor of Tennessee. After 
leaving Tennessee, Houston joined some of his Cherokee friends in 
Arkansas, but shortly thereafter he migrated to Texas. Some biogra- 
phers have maintained that Houston went to Texas as the agent of 
Andrew Jackson but Wisehart more accurately interprets Houston's 
motivation as the desire to better himself economically and politically. 
Another inaccuracy is clarified by this book. Houston did not begin 
immediately upon his arrival in Texas to foment revolution against 
Mexico but joined a movement which others had already set in motion. 

During the war between Texas and Mexico Houston was instru- 
mental in getting the Cherokees to sign a treaty of neutrality and was 
disappointed when Governor Lamar later violated the agreement. 
Made commander of the Texas forces, Houston retreated for some time 
in order to drill and to discipline his meager forces. Finally at San 

126 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Jacinto he made his stand, defeating and capturing Santa Anna. Presi- 
dent Jackson praised his old friend for sparing the Mexican General's 

As President of Texas, Houston requested annexation to the United 
States. When he was refused, he established diplomatic relations with 
England. He declined to run for re-election as President but continued 
to work for the admission of Texas to the American Union. Soon after 
Texas became a State, Sam Houston became a United States Senator. 
As a member of the Senate, he opposed the Kansas-Nebraska Bill be- 
cause he felt that its adoption would mean the destruction of the Un- 
ion. When Lincoln was elected to the presidency, Houston was again 
serving as Governor of Texas. In this capacity, as the author correctly 
reveals, Houston argued against secession and sought the re-creation 
of the Lone Star Republic or an independent status for his adopted 

Since Houston died in 1863, American Giant is his centennial biog- 
raphy. And what a testament to his greatness it is! This may not be 
the last word on Sam Houston, but no student of this unique and able 
American can afford to ignore the book. 

George Osborn 
University of Florida 

Benjamin Franklin Wade: Radical Republican from Ohio. By H. L. Tre- 
fousse. (New York: Twayne Publishers, Inc. 1963. Illustrations, notes, 
bibliography, and index. Pp. 404. $6.50.) 

Benjamin Franklin Wade is known to history primarily for the fol- 
lowing: As Senator form Ohio during the Civil War he was chairman 
of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War; he was co-author 
of the Wade-Davis Bill which was killed by Lincoln with a pocket 
veto; he was co-author of the Wade-Davis Manifesto which condemned 
Lincoln's plan of reconstruction and which berated Lincoln personally; 
he was a leading advocate of Radical reconstruction plans and the im- 
peachment of President Andrew Johnson; and as President pro tempore 
of the Senate he would have succeeded to the presidency had Johnson 
been convicted by the Senate of high misdemeanors. With the excep- 
tion of an adulatory volume that appeared soon after his death Wade 
has not been the subject of a full-length biography until the appear- 
ance of the present volume. However, since he was a key figure, the 
general histories of the period and the biographies of other leading 

Book Reviews 127 

figures have dealt with Wade and have often portrayed him as a 
vindictive troublemaker, roughneck, bully and meddlesome radical— 
"a horrible caricature," according to the author. This book attempts 
to fulfill the need for a full-scale biography and to portray Wade in 
his true light. "Since he was engaged in a good cause, and since he 
added to this cause the zest which was needed to overcome the timid- 
ity of conservatives everywhere, he deserves to be remembered for 
what he was: a great fighter for human freedom" (p. 9). 

In the first chapters the author traces the Puritan background and 
early struggles of Wade. Born near Springfield, Massachusetts, the 
tenth of 11 children, he experienced a poverty-stricken childhood and 
acquired only a meager education. When he was twenty-one the 
family moved to the Western Reserve District of Ohio where, after 
trying his hand at farming, at studying medicine, and at teaching 
school, Wade finally settled on the law as a profession. Practicing in 
Jefferson, Ashtabula County, Wade prospered. Before his election to 
the Senate in 1851 he served as various times in the State legislature 
and as district judge. As a leading Whig and later as a Republican 
Wade favored "progress," or as the author says, "He kept his party 
in the mainstream of Western thought." In concrete terms this meant 
during the 1850's advocating high tariffs, public improvements at 
federal expense, colonization for the Negro (on a voluntary basis), 
and free homesteads. The author quite correctly devotes the major 
portion of his book to the Civil War years. In general he defends 
Wade's methods as Chairman of the Committee on the Conduct of 
the War on the ground that Wade understood modern total war, 
that he prodded the conservatives, and on the ground that the propa- 
ganda issued by the Committee from time to time strengthened the 
will in the North to fight. The author makes little or no attempt to 
defend Wade, in his struggles with Lincoln calling the Wade-Davis 
Manifesto "Wade's Greatest Blunder." With regard to Reconstruction 
policies and the struggle over impeachment the author regards Presi- 
dent Johnson as wrong in principle and inept in method. Unlike some 
of his more conservative colleagues Wade in his later years advocated 
suffrage for the Negroes in the North as well as in the South, women's 
rights, and legislation favorable to labor. 

The main virtues of this biography are that it is written in a clear 
and vivid style, it is based on extensive research in both manuscript 
and printed sources, it is well proportioned, and in a sense it is ob- 
jective. That is, the author makes no attempt to defend all of Wade's 
actions or all of his methods. Nevertheless, he sometimes paints in the 

128 The North Carolina Historical Review 

warts only to wipe them out or blur them. The main shortcoming of 
the volume is its simplistic frame or reference. There are good guys 
and bad guys, right causes and wrong causes, those in favor of progress, 
and those opposed to it, and so forth. If the human psyche is so un- 
complicated, if great issues are really this simple there is no need 
of historians or philosophers. One has have only to resort to copybook 

Harry L. Coles 
The Ohio State University 

Dawn Like Thunder : The Barbary Wars and the Birth of the U. S. Navy. 
By Glenn Tucker. Maps by Dorothy Thomas Tucker. (Indianapolis, 
Indiana, and New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc. 1963. Illus- 
trations, acknowledgments, bibliography, and index. Pp. x, 487. $6.95.) 

Temporarily, at least, Glenn Tucker has deserted the Civil War, a 
field in which he has been pre-eminently successful, to write the 
fascinating and too-little known story of the Barbary Wars and the 
birth of the United States Navy. Dawn Like Thunder will certainly 
rank with the best of Mr. Tucker's Civil War books. 

In the late-eighteenth century, American shipping, as well as that 
of other nations, was the constant prey of the piratical forces of the 
Barbary States, and the paying of tribute, or bribes, to an assortment 
of rapacious beys and bashaws was the order of the day. Finally, grow- 
ing demands for protection of American shipping and for cessation of 
payments of tribute led to the Navy Bill of 1794, which was enacted 
in spite of the opposition of Nathaniel Macon and the entire North 
Carolina delegation in Congress. 

The bill led to the creation of a navy which was truly one of iron 
men and wooden ships. Preble, Stephen Decatur, Lawrence, Mac- 
Donough, Porter, Somers, and Wads worth, to name only a few officers 
of the young navy, won undying fame for themselves and respect for 
their fledgling nation. The burning of the "Philadelphia" by Decatur 
and his intrepid band remains a great epic in naval history, and the 
exploits of the indomitable Lieutenant Presley N. O'Bannon on "the 
shores of Tripoli" live on in the words of the Marine Corps hymn. 

The author finds a degree of similarity between the payment of tri- 
bute to the Barbary States and some of the United States' current for- 
eign aid programs, and critics of some of these present-day foreign 
policies will find familiar reading in the unhappy ending to the heroic 

Book Reviews 129 

efforts of Consul Eaton and Lt. O'Bannon to oust the villainous Bashaw 
of Tripoli and place his friendly brother on the throne, only to have 
another agent of the United States make peace with the Bashaw, thus 
leaving friendly forces stranded in the desert. 

In his research, Tucker not only consulted most available sources in 
this country, but also visited Tripoli in search of information in order to 
familiarize himself with the area. This reviewer's only criticism— a 
minor one— is that Tucker placed too much emphasis on historical 
background, with the result that the reader may find it difficult to fol- 
low him as he jumps from country to country and from era to era in the 
early chapters of the book. 

Mrs. Tucker's excellent maps are of considerable assistance in fol- 
lowing the courses of battles and campaigns described in the book. 

A. M. Patterson 
State Department of Archives and History 

American Slavers and the Federal Law, 1837-1862. By Warren S. Howard. 
(Berkeley and Los Angeles : University of California Press. 1963. Illus- 
trations, bibliography, notes, and index. Pp. xii, 336. $6.50.) 

This study makes fascinating reading, and it has a timeless quality 
in its presentation of the age-long proclivity of men to seek all kinds 
of devices to evade the law for their private gain. It supersedes the 
study of DuBois' work on the subject, particularly in greatly reduc- 
ing the exaggerated estimate by the Negro historian of the number 
of slaves smuggled during the illegal African slave trade. It also com- 
bats the allegation that Democratic administrations controlled by 
southerners were responsible for the lack of enforcement of the laws 
against the smuggling of slaves. Another of its virtues is that, though 
it recognizes the horror and unspeakable cruelty of the slave trade, 
it places emphasis on another aspect of the trade, namely the reasons 
for the failure of law enforcement. 

The author lists a number of explanations arising predominantly 
out of the national character of Americans in the period of slave 
smuggling. Among these traits were the individualism, pride, and 
Anglophobia of Americans which prevented the Senate from conclud- 
ing a treaty with Great Britain to allow its cruisers to search American 
vessels on the high seas for the purpose of detecting and arresting 
slavers. Not until 1862, after the American squadron had been called 

130 The North Carolina Historical Review 

home from the African Coast for military action against the Confed- 
eracy did Congress finally abandon its national pride and conclude 
a treaty allowing the British to police American vessels. The small 
American squadron, established in 1839, to arrest slavers was miserably 
managed, and captured only nine ships laden with slaves and about 
50 others that were fitted for the slave trade. The really effective force 
in combatting the slave trade was the much larger and more zealous 
British squadron. Another important reason for the relative nonen- 
forcement of the American laws against the slave trade was the severity 
of the law of 1820 making participation in the slave trade piracy a 
capital offense, and consequently juries were reluctant to convict. Only 
one American, a northern captain named Nathaniel Gordon, was ever 
executed— in 1862. Still another reason for the failure of enforcement 
of the American slave trade laws was the strict construction of these 
laws by federal judges. 

The illegal slave trade from Africa ( almost all of it after 1837 from 
the Congo region) centered in Brazil and Cuba. It was carried on 
largely in American ships that were sold or chartered to Brazilians, 
Cubans, and Portuguese, some of them naturalized American citizens, 
and operated mainly from New York and Havana. One of the most 
important findings of this volume is that relatively few of the thousands 
of slaves imported from Africa during this period were smuggled into 
the southern States. In Cuba public sentiment strongly supported the 
slave trade and the American Consul in Havana, Nicholas Trist, played 
a highly dubious role in the attempts of the United States to prevent 
its ships from being used in the trade. In Brazil, on the other hand, 
the United States Minister Henry A. Wise exerted himself strenuously 
to combat the desecration of the American flag in this illegal trade, 
and by 1851 importation of slaves into Brazil was vanishing. The story 
of the illegal African slave trade is necessarily based to a large extent 
on circumstantial evidence and rumors. Mr. Howard has done an ex- 
cellent job of using this dubious and scanty evidence and has written 
his story with restraint, yet with verve. 

Clement Eaton 
University of Kentucky 

Book Reviews 131 

American Military Insignia, 1800-1851. By J. Duncan Campbell and Edgar 
M. Howell. (Washington: Smithsonian Institution. 1963. Preface, bib- 
liography, introduction, illustrations, and notes. Pp. xv, 124 [For sale 
by the Superintendent of Public Documents, U. S. Government Printing 
office]. $2.00.) 

This work is Bulletin 235 of the scholarly publications of the United 
States National Museum and is issued in quarto size. Its Preface an- 
nounces that it is a catalog containing a "descriptive and interpretive 
listing of the insignia of the Army of the United States— other than 
buttons, epaulets, and horse furniture— in the National Collections that 
were prescribed or worn during the period 1800-1851/' Its 276 excep- 
tionally fine illustrations are accompanied by concise, clear descriptive 
statements which will appeal somewhat more to the collector than to 
most scholars. 

Its authors state that the catalog, while a "developmental history 
of American military insignia," is in no sense a definitive treatment of 
the subject. The fragmentary records concerning Regular Army devices 
prior to 1821 make it necessary for the student to depend upon speci- 
mens recovered in excavations at sites known to have been occupied 
by identifiable units at specific times. The profusion of insignia in use 
among the numberless independent uniformed militia companies dur- 
ing this early period makes it doubtful that the study can ever be com- 

Despite the highly specialized nature of the subject of this work it 
should have some utility to the student of military history because of 
its bibliography. Equally useful is the four-page Introduction which 
presents a summary of the organization of the Regular Army and of the 
Militia in the first half of the nineteenth century. Here one learns how 
the 2d Infantry Regiment in today's Regular Army came to antedate 
the 1st Infantry Regiment, a point which present-day members of the 
latter unit find difficult to accept. 

Here is described also the evolution of the national Militia from the 
"common" Militia of colonial times to a corps d' elite of amateur soldiers 
who derived much satisfaction from participation in military exercises 
and the ceremonies which were— and still are— part of the military 
tradition. In the twentieth century this attitude was made the basis 
of the popular song, "I Love a Parade." 

The catalog section of the book contains numerous examples of the 
insignia of South Carolina militia units, but none that is unique to 
North Carolina. Tarheels, nevertheless, may take solace in the knowl- 
edge that they were well represented in this sphere. For among the 

132 The North Carolina Historical Review 

units mentioned by the authors as being "a spectacular, colorful, and 
exciting integral of the social and military life" of the period, the 
"Raleigh Cossacks" are listed! 

John D. F. Phillips 
Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission 

Our Recent Past: American Civilization in the Twentieth Century. By 
Thomas Neville Bonner. (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. 
1963. Illustrations, notes, and index. Pp. ix, 470. $10.00.) 

Surveys of recent American history are much alike. Beginning with 
a sweeping view of economic, social, and intellectual changes in the 
latter years of the nineteenth century, they then turn to a detailed dis- 
cussion of events which have shaped contemporary America, centering 
especially on reform movements and the country's growth as a world 
power. Since the southeastern States did not figure largely in these 
major themes, there is customarily little mention of them until post- 
World War II racial unrest became a matter of national concern. Since, 
too, these surveys are aimed at the widest possible audience, the 
authors stick mostly to accepted historical interpretations. 

These generalizations describing the half-dozen or so surveys that 
are currently available also disclose the substance of the book under 
review. Bonner's volume differs from its competitors mainly in that 
it is short— about half the length of a book by Arthur Ling, for example. 
Its brevity presumably will attract the general reader; as a textbook, 
its size will permit the assignment of library materials. Thus, if a short 
synthesis is what one seeks, this volume ought to be satisfactory. With- 
in the limits of his space, Bonner has treated his subject adequately; 
his writing is simple and clear; his illustrations contribute to the read- 
er's interest; and his bibliography is not only well selected and an- 
notated but also includes sound and film materials. 

Burton F. Beers 

North Carolina State of the University of North Carolina 
at Raleigh 

Book Reviews 133 


A Guide to the Study and Reading of North Carolina History, by 
Hugh Talmage Lefler, will prove an invaluable guide to persons in- 
terested in delving into North Carolina's history. This second revised 
and enlarged edition was published by the University of North Caro- 
lina Press, as was the 1955 edition. The contents of the book include 
sources for the study of State and local history, books and articles re- 
lating to North Carolina, rosters of North Carolina soldiers, a select 
bibliography of North Carolina folklore, bibliographies to be used in 
conjunction with the Lefler and Newsome text on North Carolina his- 
tory, and materials relating to North Carolina counties and towns. 
Students and writers of the history of North Carolina will find the 
revised edition of Dr. Lefler's Guide a tremendous asset for their lib- 
raries. It may be obtained from the University of North Carolina Press 
at Chapel Hill for $2.40. 

Superior Court Judge Allen H. Gwyn has written Work-Earn and 
Save, published by the Institutes for Civic Education, Extension Divis- 
ion, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Called "observations 
on crime and correction," Judge Gwynn discusses probation and pun- 
ishment and the need for judicial analysis; changes in points of view 
with regard to crime and punishment; the work, earn, and save plan, 
including case histories of defendants operating under the system; 
observations on methods of preventing crime; and probation and 
parole, showing how these concepts in practice help in crime preven- 
tion. The book will be of especial value to persons interested in social 
problems and North Carolina's approach to them. Copies may be or- 
dered from the publisher; the price is $1.50. 

Another study in the series of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Smithsonian Institution, is Shonto: A Study of the Role of the Trader 
in a Modern Navaho Community, by William Y. Adams. For sale bv 
the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, 
Washington 25, D. C, for $2.00, the book will be significant to those 
interested in Indian lore and the social and economic changes occur- 
ring among this group of people. The 329-page book is illustrated. 

In the same series is the eighth bulletin in the River Basin Surveys 
Papers, edited by Frank H. H. Roberts, Jr. Subtitled Inter-Agency 
Archeological Salvage Program, the 344-page book is also available 

134 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for sale from the Superintendent of Documents. The price is $3.00. 
The seven reports in this volume relate to work done in four reservoir 
areas in the Missouri Basin. 

Two additional numbers in the Preliminary Inventories series, pub- 
lished by the National Archives, have been issued. Number 155, Rec- 
ords of the Office of the Chief Signal Officer, compiled by Mabel E. 
Deutrich, is a 26-page booklet; Number 157, General Records of the 
Department of State compiled by Daniel T. Goggin and H. Stephen 
Helton, contains 311 pages. Both are available without charge from 
The National Archives, National Archives and Records Service, Gen- 
eral Services Administration, Washington, D. C., 20408. 

The American Revenue Association has issued a 27-page booklet, 
New Discovery From British Archives on The 1765 Tax Stamps For 
America, edited by Adolph Koeppel. Philatelists will be fascinated by 
the illustrations. History of the Stamp Act and action taken following 
its passage is included. The account of the actual production of the 
stamps themselves and the use to which surplus stamps was put is of 
interest to the general reader as well as the historian. Additional in- 
formation may be obtained from the American Revenue Association at 
Boyertown, Pennsylvania. 

A new church history is that by Charles Crossfield Ware, The 
Church Bell: A History of The First Christian Church, Wilson, N. C. 
The hardbound book contains 144 pages, an index, and illustrations. 
Included in the story is much information about the city of Wilson 
and about the group of Disciples of Christ in that area of North Caro- 
lina. The close tie with Atlantic Christian College is also shown. The 
permanent Disciple congregation was founded in Wilson on April 27, 
1871, meaning that nearly a century of history is included in The 
Church Bell. Copies are available from Dr. Ware, Box 1164, Wilson, 
N. C. 

Colonial Bertie County, North Carolina, Volume II, 1725-1730, con- 
tains abstracts of Deed Books B and C, 1725-1730 and a few from 
Deed Book E, 1739. Abstracted and indexed by Mary Best Bell, the 
book was published by Colonial Bertie, Box 343, Windsor, N. C. 
Copies are available from the publisher for $7.73; Volume I is still 
available for $5.15, including tax. Each name and place and both 
grantors and grantees are listed in the index, 

Book Reviews 135 

Carter Watkins Friend has compiled a 161-page, paper-bound book 
entitled The Descendants of Captain Thomas Friend, 1700-1760, 
Chesterfield County, Virginia. Illustrations add interest to what is 
primarily a genealogical study of the Friend family, beginning in 
England. Copies may be ordered for $8.00 from Carter Watkins 
Friend, 2416 Cameron Mills Road, Alexandria, Virginia. 

The Department recently received the Twenty-Seventh Annual Re- 
port of the Archivist of the Hall of Records. This report of the work 
being done in Maryland covers the period July 1, 1961, through June 
30, 1962. Information on the agency's publications, accessions, Civil 
War Centennial exhibits, and other phases of the program is given in 
the report. 

The second edition of North Carolina Newspapers on Microfilm, a 
31-page booklet, has been published by the State Department of 
Archives and History. Copies of this publication, a checklist of early 
newspapers from North Carolina which are now available on micro- 
film from the Department, are available for 50^ from the Department. 

Another departmental publication is The Old North State Fact Book, 
on sale by the Division of Publications of the Department for 25^. The 
pamphlet of 82 pages is reprinted from the first section of the 1963 
edition of the North Carolina Manual; the publication was issued to 
meet needs of school children who request information on the State 
government, the list of governors, the Halifax Resolves, the State song, 
the Constitution, and numerous other topics. 



Executive Board 

The Executive Board of the State Department of Archives and History 
met on September 19 in the Assembly Room of the Department. Present 
were Chairman McDaniel Lewis; Board members Miss Gertrude S. Car- 
raway, Dr. Edward W. Phifer, Jr., and Dean D. J. Whitener; Director 
Christopher Crittenden; Budget Officer Mary B. Cornick; Division Heads 
Mr. H. G. Jones, Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Mrs. Memory 
F. Mitchell ; General John D. F. Phillips, Executive Secretary of the Caro- 
lina Charter Tercentenary Commission; Mr. Norman C. Larson, Execu- 
tive Secretary of the Confederate Centennial Commission ; and Mrs. Jane 
Burts, Secretary to Dr. Crittenden. 

Secretary of State Thad Eure administered the oath of office to Dr. 
Phifer, physician and surgeon of Morganton, who was appointed to the 
Board on July 16 by Governor Terry Sanford. Mr. Ralph P. Hanes was 
reappointed on the same date. Below is a roster of present Board members : 

Miss Gertrude S. Carraway 
Fletcher M. Green 
Ralph P. Hanes 
Josh L. Home 
McDaniel Lewis 
Edward W. Phifer 
Daniel J. Whitener 

Appointment Date Expiration Date 

June 18, 1959* 

June 12, 1961* 

July 16, 1963* 

June 12, 1961* 

June 18, 1959* 

July 16, 1963** 

June 18, 1959** 

March 31, 1965 

March 31, 1967 

March 31, 1969 

March 31, 1967 

March 31, 1965 

March 31, 1969 

March 31, 1965 

Dr. Phifer received the Ramsdell Award at the Asheville meeting of 
the Southern Historical Association, November 7. This Award, presented 
on alternate years, is given for excellence in historical writing in The 
Journal of Southern History. Dr. Phifer's article on slavery in Burke 
County won the $100 prize for 1961-1962. 

Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission 

The final major event of the year-long three-hundredth anniversary ob- 
servance of the Carolina Charter was the stage presentation and subse- 
quent television showing of "The Sojourner and Mollie Sinclair," a serio- 
comic music drama written on commission for the Tercentenary by Car- 
lisle Floyd. 

The premiere on Monday, December 2, was followed by performances 
on Tuesday and Wednesday evenings and a Wednesday matinee during 

* Reappointed. 

** Appointed for first term, 

Historical News 137 

Culture Week. Television programming of the video-tape production, 
taped by WUNC-TV, is still being scheduled with five North Carolina 
stations committed to showing the work. 

Composer-librettist Floyd, a native of Latta, South Carolina, developed 
a plot involving a mid-eighteenth century Scottish family whose loyalties 
are divided between their new home in the southeastern flatlands of 
North Carolina and the Highlands of Scotland. 

Starring in the leading roles were Miss Patricia Neway and Mr. Nor- 
man Treigle, nationally prominent artists. Julius Rudel of the New York 
City Opera Company was the guest conductor. The Opera Theater of 
East Carolina College produced the drama. Drawing from its faculty and 
student body, the school provided an orchestra and supporting cast, and 
built the sets. 

The Charter Commission participated actively in the annual meetings 
of three learned societies which honored the Tercentenary by meeting in 
North Carolina during 1963. At the joint meeting of the Society of Ameri- 
can Archivists and the American Association for State and Local History 
in Raleigh during the first week of October, the Commission manned an 
exhibit, displaying its free literature, leaflets, historical pamphlets, and 
souvenirs. The Commission's Executive Secretary, General John D. F. 
Phillips, participated in a symposium on commemorative programs. He 
outlined the origin, concept, scope, and execution of the Tercentenary pro- 
gram. An award for outstanding contributions to the study of colonial 
history was presented to the Charter Commission. 

At the Southern Historical Association's annual convention in Asheville, 
November 7-9, the Tercententary of the granting of the Carolina Charter 
was celebrated at several events. Dr. Frank P. Graham, United Nations 
mediator and chairman of the federal North Carolina Tercentenary Cele- 
bration Commission, was introduced by the State Commission Chairman, 
the Hon. Francis E. Winslow, at the Tercentenary dinner. Dr. Graham's 
topic was "The Carolina Charter in Its British and American Context." 
Before the address, the audience of about 200 persons was entertained by 
Miss Julia Ribet and Mr. Harvey Moose, of Raleigh, with a selection of 
folk songs of the colonists. 

At one of the 20 sessions held in Asheville, the Carolina Charter was 
discussed at length. Dr. Hugh T. Lefler, University of North Carolina at 
Chapel Hill, was chairman. Mr. William S. Powell, Head, North Carolina 
Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, presented a paper 
on "How the Charter was Obtained." Dr. Charles E. Lee, South Carolina 
Department of Archives and History, covered "The Implementation of 
the Charter in the Charles Town Colony." Discussants were Dr. Herbert 
R. Paschal, East Carolina College, and Dr. E. Lawrence Lee, the Citadel. 

Winners in the Literary Competition staged by the Commission were 
Mr. Sam Ragan, Mr. Thad Stem, Jr., and Mr. Manly Wade Wellman. Mr. 
Ragan, Executive Editor of The News and Observer-Raleigh Times, and 
Mr. Stem of Oxford, author and poet, were scheduled to receive $500 in 
the poetry division for their work entitled, "In the Beginning." An epic 
poem in four parts, it is based on the efforts of early settlers in the 
Carolina colony to win a new and improved way of life in the young coun- 

138 The North Carolina Historical Review 

try. Mr. Wellman of Chapel Hill won the $1,000 award in the prose- 
fiction category for his entry, Settlement on Shocco, Adventures in Co- 
lonial Carolina, a historical novel for school-age readers. Mrs. John H. 
Hamilton, Jr., of Cary, received honorable mention in the poetry division 
for "A Fair and Spacious Province and Other Poems." 

During October the Morehead Planetarium's program was "The Char- 
ter and the Seven Stars." Written by Mr. Harvey W. Daniel of Chapel 
Hill, the program opened with the sky as seen from London at the time 
of the granting of the Carolina Charter. Many interesting discussions 
were included, such as the Romans designating the region of the Big 
Dipper as Septentriones, the "Seven Stars," which came to mean North. 
The closing phase of the program was a transition from the "seven 
stars" of 1663 to the advanced techniques of modern celestial navigation; 
and from the crude equipment which guided the ancient mariners to the 
giant NASA electronic complex under construction at Rosman, in the 
mountains of North Carolina, which will guide and track modern astro- 
nauts into space. 

An exhibit of Tercentenary materials was displayed at the State Fair 
in Raleigh. Thousands of free leaflets were distributed. Also, the Carolina 
Charter and its three-hundredth anniversary celebration was the subject 
of a spectacular fireworks display each night showing highlights of North 
Carolina history. 

The East Carolina Marching Pirates, a 115-member band, performed 
in the District of Columbia Stadium in Washington during the football 
halftime show on October 13. Several symbols were used in paying tribute 
to the Indian's part in history of North Carolina. They also formed the 
figure "300" and played a special arrangement of Don Elliot's "North 

Colonial Residential Architecture, by Professor John Allcott of Chapel 
Hill, came off the press in October. This completes publication of the 
series of historical pamphlets. Other titles are Upheaval in Albemarle 
1675-1689: The Story of Culpeper's Rebellion, by Hugh F. Rankin; The 
Lords Proprietors, by William S. Powell ; The Indian Wars in North Caro- 
lina, 1663-1763, by E. Lawrence Lee; The Royal Governors of North Caro- 
lina, by Blackwell P. Robinson ; The Highland Scots of North Carolina, by 
Duane Meyer ; and The Influence of Geography Upon Early North Caro- 
lina, by Cordelia Camp. 

The last scheduled plenary meeting of the Carolina Charter Tercen- 
tenary Commission was held in Raleigh on October 11, preceded by an 
Executive Committee meeting. The Commission directed that a recom- 
mendation on behalf of the Charter Commission be submitted to the 
Governor and Council of State that the new Archives and History-State 
Library building be designated "The Carolina Charter Building." 

Included in the report of the Executive Secretary, General John D. F. 
Phillips, was the fact that 64 of the 100 counties have staged major 
Tercentenary observances during 1963. Much of the business was devoted 
to terminating the Commission's activities and responsibilities by Decem- 
ber 31. 

Historical News 139 

North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission 

Mr. Norman C. Larson, Executive Secretary of the North Carolina 
Confederate Centennial Commission, presented a slide program on Civil 
War sites and the Gettysburg Centennial at the Twenty-sixth Annual Con- 
vention of the North Carolina Division, Children of the Confederacy, 
August 13-15, in Asheville. 

On August 24 he served as master of ceremonies at the "Hebe Skirmish 
Centennial and Fort Fisher Groundbreaking Ceremonies." Sponsored by 
the New Hanover County Board of Commissioners and Centennial Com- 
mittee in conjunction with the State Department of Archives and History 
and the North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission, the pro- 
gram featured a concert by the U. S. Marine Drum and Bugle Corps, a 
speech by author Hamilton Cochran, military drills, and a fireworks 

In late August diving expeditions to the sunken Civil War vessel U.S.S. 
"Peterhoff," which lies off Fort Fisher, were begun. During the course 
of the operations, a 32-pound cannon was recovered by U.S. Navy divers. 

Mr. Larson participated in the joint convention of the American Asso- 
ciation for State and Local History and Society of American Archivists 
in Raleigh, October 2-5, both as a panelist and as a tour guide. As panelist, 
he outlined North Carolina's Centennial program at a session of the 
American Association for State and Local History. 

On October 9 the State Convention of the North Carolina Division, 
United Daughters of the Confederacy, was held in Raleigh. A slide pro- 
gram on the Gettysburg Centennial was presented by the Executive Secre- 
tary at the group's Historical Evening banquet. 

A special program of fireworks illustrating 300 years of North Caro- 
lina history was narrated by the Executive Secretary nightly at the State 
Fair, October 14-19. 

Mr. Larson attended the fall meeting of the Confederate States Cen- 
tennial Conference in San Antonio, Texas, October 24-28. He participated 
as panelist in a discussion of the role of various States in the Centennial 
and was appointed to serve on a committee to plan and co-ordinate Cen- 
tennial activities in the South during 1965. 

Miss Carolyn Madden Myers, Administrative Assistant, was married 
to Mr. Marcus Edward Bizzell, Jr., on October 26 in Raleigh. She is con- 
tinuing in her position at present. 

The Executive Secretary met with members of the Historic Sites Divi- 
sion, State Department of Archives and History, on November 4 to formu- 
late plans for the commemoration of the one-hundredth anniversary of 
the battles of Fort Fisher and Bentonville and the surrender at the Ben- 
nett Place. 

A program on the salvage of blockade-runners off Fort Fisher was 
presented by the Executive Secretary to members of the Greensboro Civi- 
tan Club on November 8. On November 14 he addressed the Wilson chapter 
of the United Daughters of the Confederacy. That evening he was in 
Ahoskie, where he presented a program on "Our North Carolina Heri- 
tage" to the Hertford County 4-H Club. 

140 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Representing the North Carolina Commission and the Confederate 
States Centennial Conference, the Executive Secretary was in Gettysburg, 
Pennsylvania, November 16-19, to participate in ceremonies commemorat- 
ing the one hundredth anniversary of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address. 

Director's Office 

Mr. Carter Williams, architect of Raleigh, has been selected by the 
Department of Administration as the architect for the Archives and 
History-State Library Building for which the General Assembly of 1963 
appropriated $3,000,000. He and other members of his firm are working 
on plans for the building. From November 19 to 22 Mrs. Joye E. Jordan ; 
Mr. H. G. Jones; Mr. Williams; Mrs. Elizabeth Hughey, State Librarian, 
and others made a tour to Atlanta, Georgia; New Orleans and Baton 
Rouge, Louisiana; and Birmingham, Alabama, to study recently con- 
structed or under-construction archives, library, and museum buildings to 
gain knowledge for plans for the North Carolina building. Dr. Christopher 
Crittenden, Director, went with the group as far as Atlanta. 

The joint summer meeting of the North Carolina Literary and Histori- 
cal Association and the Western North Carolina Historical Association 
was held at Brevard College, July 26-27. Mr. Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock 
spoke at the first session on "The Barbary Wars and the Birth of the 
United States Navy." After the July 26 dinner Mr. Stanley A. South, 
Archeologist at Brunswick Town, spoke on "Brunswick Town: Past and 
Present." Mr. Robert C. Page III of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary 
Commission then gave a progress report on the work of the Commission. 

Judge Johnson J. Hayes of Wilksboro spoke at the morning meeting 
on July 27 on the problems of writing local history, based on his experi- 
ence in writing the history of Wilkes County. 

On August 28 Dr. Crittenden attended a meeting in Smithfield of the 
high school social studies teachers of Johnston County where he presented 
a brief program relating to the work of the Department. He was accom- 
panied by Mrs. Frances Ashford, Education Curator; Mrs. Memory F. 
Mitchell, Editor; and Mr. N. B. Bragg, Historic Site Specialist, each of 
whom also spoke briefly. 

The internship course given by the Department in collaboration with 
the Department of History at Meredith College began in September. This 
course, offered to juniors and seniors who are history majors, affords the 
students who participate the opportunity to work in the various Divisions 
of the Department. College credit is awarded to those who pass the course. 
Enrollees are Miss Clare Bolton and Miss Marge Hamilton, Division of 
Museums; Miss Gera-Lu Shervette and Miss Charlotte Burgess, Division 
of Archives and Manuscripts; and Misses Brenda Smith, Barbara Rad- 
ford, Nancy Spencer, and Diane Daughtry, Division of Publications. 

Dr. Crittenden presided at the Wake Forest College Birthplace Society 
luncheon meeting on September 27 in Wake Forest. Officers re-elected 
are Dr. Crittenden, President; Mr. John Wooten, Jr., Vice-President, and 
Mrs. A. C. Hall, Secretary. Mr. J. L. Warren was elected Treasurer. Wake 
Forest Mayor S. Wait Brewer was named to the Board of Directors, re- 

Historical News 141 

placing the late Dr. Douglas Branch. Two changes were made in the 
bylaws to comply with federal government tax regulations. Mrs. R. W. 
Wilkinson III reported for her husband, finance chairman, on the work 
of local civic clubs in the restoration of the Wake Forest College Birth- 

Dr. Crittenden also attended the meeting of the Wake County Historical 
Society in the Assembly Room of the Department on September 30. 

The twenty-seventh annual meeting of the Society of American Archi- 
vists and the twenty-third annual meeting of the American Association 
for State and Local History were held jointly in Raleigh, October 2-5. 
These societies are among those meeting in North Carolina during 1963 
to celebrate the Tercentenary of the granting of the Carolina Charter of 
1663. One of the most significant events was held on October 3 — the cere- 
monial groundbreaking for the new Archives and History-State Library 
Building. Governor Terry Sanford; Dr. Crittenden; Mrs. Elizabeth 
Hughey, State Librarian; Mr. McDaniel Lewis, Chairman of the Execu- 
tive Board of the Department of Archives and History ; Mr. Thad Stem, 
Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the State Library; Mr. Francis E. 
Winslow, Chairman of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission; 
and Mr. Norman C. Larson, Executive Secretary of the Confederate Cen- 
tennial Commission, participated in the event held at the new State 
Legislative Building. 

An Award of Distinction was presented to Dr. Crittenden on October 4 
by the American Association for State and Local History for his many 
contributions in the field of history. He was instrumental in helping 
develop the Association, after assisting in its organization in 1940 and 
serving as its first President. It was noted that he had been especially 
successful in persuading "governors and legislators to support a state 
program second to none in the country." Dr. Ernst Posner of Washington 
received an Award of Distinction also. These awards were given for the 
first time. 

Dr. Crittenden spoke briefly at the annual meeting of the United Daugh- 
ters of the Confederacy in Raleigh on October 8. He attended in Chapel 
Hill on October 10 the meeting of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary 
Commission Advisory Editorial Board and on October 11 the meeting 
of the Charter Commission in Raleigh. He spoke at the organizational 
meeting of the Hillsborough Historical Society in Hillsboro. 

On October 23 Mr. Charles W. Traylen, antiquarian bookseller of Guild- 
ford, Surrey, England, spoke at the staff meeting of the Department. Mr. 
Traylen is the person from whom the original Carolina Charter of 1663 
was purchased. The Charter is now housed in the Hall of History in a 
specially-designed case. 

The symbolic unveiling of a historical marker for the Wake Forest 
College Birthplace (Calvin Jones House) was held on September 15. Dr. 
Crittenden presided at the ceremonies held in the Wake Forest High 
School Gymnasium. Among the descendants of Calvin Jones attending 
were two namesakes, one from Memphis and the other from Bolivar, 
Tennessee. Members of the families of former presidents of Wake Forest 
College, including Richard Lewis Brewer, a descendant of the first presi- 

142 The North Carolina Historical Review 

dent, Reverend Samuel Wait, also were present. Greetings were brought 
by a number of representatives of historical and patriotic groups and the 
Wake Forest High School Band presented a concert. Arms were presented 
by the Fourth 155 Howitzer Battery, United States Marine Corps, 
Raleigh. On October 29 Dr. Crittenden made a progress report on the 
restoration of the Wake Forest College Birthplace at a meeting of the 
Wake County Chapter of the Wake Forest College Alumni Association. 

Dr. Crittenden attended on November 1 the Bertie County Tercentenary 
Celebration held in Windsor from October 31 through November 2. The 
fall meeting of the Bertie County Historical Association was held simul- 
taneously with the celebration. Mr. John R. Jenkins of Au lander pre- 
sided at the dinner on October 31. Governor Terry Sanford opened the 
celebration at the Francis Speight art exhibit on November 1 ; an antique 
show was held in the Windsor Community Building; a tour of historic 
homes of the area was arranged; and a parade of historic floats was 
presented. Speakers during the three-day event included Congressman 
Herbert Bonner and General John D. F. Phillips of the Carolina Charter 
Tercentenary Commission. 

Dr. Crittenden attended the November 8 and 9 sessions of the twenty- 
ninth annual meeting of the Southern Historical Association held in Ashe- 
ville. The Association was invited to meet in the State as a part of the 
year-long celebration of the Tercentenary of the granting of the Carolina 
Charter of 1663. 

Mayor Jim Reid of Raleigh has appointed the following persons to serve 
as members of the Raleigh Historic Sites Commission : Mr. Hal W. Trent- 
man, Chairman; Mrs. Sam Beard, Co-Chairman; Mrs. Bruce Carter, Mr. 
Robert McMillan, Jr., Mr. Herbert O'Keef, Mrs. Dallas Holoman, Jr., 
Mr. William H. Deitrick, Mr. Henry P. Haywood, Mrs. Raymond L. Mur- 
ray, Mr. F. Carter Williams, Mrs. Roy Wilder, Mr. Ben F. Williams, Mr. 
Banks Talley, and Mr. W. S. Tarlton, members; Miss Beth G. Crabtree, 
Secretary; Dr. Christopher Crittenden and Mr. A. C. Hall, Jr., advisers. 
The Commission met on November 5 with Mr. Trentman presiding. Mayor 
Reid spoke briefly to those present, reviewing the past work; City Man- 
ager W. H. Carper also spoke briefly. Dr. Crittenden made suggestions as 
to purposes, projects, and short- and long-range programs of the Com- 
mission. A general discussion followed concerning the financing of the 
work of the Commission. Another matter discussed was the preservation 
of the Richard B. Haywood House, located at the corner of Edenton and 
Blount Streets. This dwelling was erected in 1854 of bricks made by 
family slaves of Dr. Richard Benehan Haywood and was commandeered 
during Federal occupation as headquarters of Major Francis P. Blair, Jr., 
a classmate of Dr. Haywood at the University of North Carolina, and 
visited by Generals Sherman and Grant. A committee was appointed by 
Mr. Trentman to recommend action on the Haywood House. The com- 
mittee met on November 16 and elected Mr. Deitrick chairman. The Com- 
mission met again on November 26 and heard a report from Mr. Deitrick 
concerning a resolution from the Commission to the City Council of Ra- 
leigh, relative to the preservation of the Haywood House. Dr. Crittenden 
suggested that a brief brochure be prepared describing the historic sites 


Historical News 143 

in Raleigh. Mr. Trentman then appointed Mr. Ben Williams as chairman 
of a committee to prepare a brochure, with Dr. Crittenden and Mrs. Roy 
Wilder serving with him. Mr. Williams suggested that Dr. Louise Hall, 
Professor of Architecture at Duke University, be consulted in preparing 
a brief description of buildings considered worthy of preservation. Mr. 
Trentman set the next meeting date of the Commission on December 17. 

On December 2 the City Council of Raleigh passed a resolution desig- 
nating the Richard B. Haywood House as "historically one of the most 
significant buildings in the city of Raleigh." The resolution further re- 
quested that the Governor and Council of State consider the Haywood 
property in the future planning and development of the Capitol Square 

Division of Archives and Manuscripts 

In connection with the joint meeting of the Society of American Archi- 
vists and the American Association for State and Local History in 
Raleigh in October, the Division of Archives and Manuscripts sponsored 
two workshops on October 2. In the morning Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archi- 
vist, and Rear Admiral A. M. Patterson, Assistant State Archivist for 
Local Records, discussed the Department's local records program. Appear- 
ing on the program also were Miss Betty June Hayes of Hillsboro, Regis- 
ter of Deeds of Orange County and an officer of the National Association 
of County Recorders and Clerks, and Mr. Allan Markham of Chapel Hill, 
Assistant Director of the Institute of Government. In the afternoon Mr. 
Jones and Mr. Thornton W. Mitchell, Assistant State Archivist for State 
Records, discussed the Department's State records management program. 
The sessions included an open house throughout the Division. More than 
50 persons attended the local records session and approximately 85 at- 
tended the session at the Records Center. 

Admiral Patterson served as Local Arrangements Chairman for the 
Society of American Archivists, and Mr. Jones presided at a joint luncheon 
on October 3 at which Governor Terry Sanford was the featured speaker. 
Mr. Jones was re-elected Treasurer of the Society. 

Mr. Jones presided at a session on archives and historical societies at 
the Third Assembly on the Library Functions of the States in Washington, 
D. C, November 13-15. On September 21 he spoke to the Caswell County 
Chapter of Colonial Dames. 

Members of the Division of Archives and Manuscripts who attended 
the meetings of the Southern Historical Association in Asheville, Novem- 
ber 7-9, were Mr. Jones, Mr. C. Fred W. Coker, Admiral Patterson, 
and Mr. Mitchell. 

Scholarly publications have carried articles by Division staff members 
in recent months. Mr. Jones' "State Archival-Records Management Pro- 
grams in the United States" appeared in Volume XI of Archivum, pub- 
lished by the Conseil International des Archives in Paris, and his "Micro- 
film Applications in a State Archival-Records Management Program" was 
published in the Proceedings of the 1963 Convention of the National 

144 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Microfilm Association. His paper on "Elements of a Comprehensive State 
Archival-Records Management Program" was published in the Proceed- 
ings of the Southeastern Chapter of the American Records Management 
Association for May, 1963. The July issue of The American Archivist 
carried articles by Admiral Patterson and Mr. Mitchell, titled respectively, 
"State Archival Agencies' Services to Other State Agencies," and "Ohio — 
Disposition of Medical Records in State Mental Hospitals." The October 
issue of the same journal carried the article, "Ancient Documents as Evi- 
dence," by Mr. Cyrus B. King, formerly an Assistant State Archivist. 

Additional nineteenth-century newspapers made available on microfilm 
include the papers not heretofore filmed for the cities of Asheville, Oxford, 
Plymouth, Warrenton, Williamston, and Windsor. The filming of the 
Wilmington Messenger, daily, 1887-1908, was also completed; this title 
occupies 61 reels. 

The Microfilm Services Center processed 1,225 reels (119,390 linear 
feet) of microfilm during the quarter ending September 30, including 887 
reels (85,990 feet) of negative film and 338 reels (33,400 feet) of positive 
film. The latter consisted largely of newspapers on microfilm purchased 
by other institutions. 

The Search Room is now open from 8 :30 a.m. to 1 :30 p.m. on Saturdays 
in addition to the 8:30 to 5:30 hours Mondays through Fridays. Because 
only a skeleton staff will be on duty on Saturdays, it is suggested that 
scholars notify the State Archivist in advance indicating the subject of 
their research so that materials they wish to examine may easily be made 

Progress continued in the Archives Section on the preparation of guides 
to research materials. One — the Guide to Research Materials in the North 
Carolina State Archives — is being published in near-print form and in 
installments which may be ready for sale early in 1964. Another, a guide 
to the private collections (the exact title of which has yet to be decided) , 
will be issued as a regular Departmental volume in 1964. A third, a guide 
to Civil War materials in the Archives, is in preparation. 

In the quarter ending September 30, 867 persons registered in the 
Search Room and 936 were given information by mail. These figures do 
not include visitors and letters handled in the Section without referral 
to the Search Room. Photocopies totaled 1,358 and certified copies 44. In 
addition, almost 1,200 photocopies were made for use in the Department. 

In the Document Restoration Laboratory, 24,983 pages of manuscript 
materials were laminated of which the greater part were county records. 
In addition, staff members outside of office hours laminated 3,904 pages 
for individuals and institutions. 

Miss Betsy Fleshman, a graduate of Flora Macdonald College, joined 
the Archives staff on October 1 as Clerk III. On December 1 she was re- 
classified as Archivist I. 

A major accomplishment of the Local Records Section has been the 
completion of the repair and arrangement of a collection of colonial 
court records received from Chowan County. These include a few original 
court minutes and other dockets, civil and criminal action papers, estates 

Historical News 145 

and land records, lists of taxables, and a variety of other records of the 
courts, dating from 1677 to 1775. 

Original records recently received from counties include: 

Granville County: Common schools register (1860-1861). 

Jones County: Record of deeds (1822-1828) ; index to early deed books 
(undated) ; miscellaneous County Court dockets (1807-1868) ; Superior 
Court minutes (1807-1819) ; equity minutes (1826-1868) ; miscellaneous 
Superior Court dockets (1821-1868) ; administrators' bonds (1869-1926) ; 
guardian bonds (1869-1913) ; record of administrators, executors, and 
guardians (1792-1799) ; inventories and accounts of sales (1803-1854) ; 
bastardy bonds (1869-1892) ; indenture bonds (1870-1902) ; 19 wills 
(1811-1900) ; and civil action and criminal papers (1854-1899). 

Martin County: Minute docket, Inferior Court (1877-1885) ; County 
Court execution and trial dockets (1844-1860) ; administrators' bonds 
(1867-1913) ; guardian bonds (1866-1913) ; record of administrators, 
guardians, and executors (1869-1886) ; records of elections (1878-1922) ; 
land entries (1866-1900) ; tax scrolls (1885-1915 r not consecutive) ; es- 
tates papers (1898-1906) ; original wills (1866-1918) ; and civil action 
papers (1884-1903). 

Surry County: County Court minutes (1779-1783, 1788-1847, 1850, 
1960-1867) ; miscellaneous County Court dockets (1772-1868) ; Superior 
Court minutes (1807-1849) ; equity minutes (1855-1867) ; miscellaneous 
Superior Court dockets (1807-1867) ; records of account (1792-1805, 1809- 
1862) ; apprentice bonds (1879-1921) ; administrators' bonds (1876- 
1903) ; guardian bonds (1879-1894) ; land entries (1784-1795) ; marriage 
registers (1853-1940) ; Warden's Court minutes (1852-1877) ; record of 
processioners (1801-1887) ; records of election (1880-1920) ; appointment 
of road overseers (1807-1858) ; small group of civil and criminal action 
papers (1800-1900) ; a few deeds, commissioners' papers, etc. (1800- 
1900) ; and two merchant's ledgers (T. Grumpier, 1826-1827, and W. D. 
Rutledge, 1853-1854). 

Tyrrell County: 36 marriage bonds (1862-1865). 

The following microfilm copies of county records have been processed 
and placed in the Search Room: 

Cumberland County: Deeds, grants, plats, and surveys (1754-1950) ; 
marriage bonds and registers (1800-1962) ; index to vital statistics (1913- 
1961) ; County Court minutes (1867-1942) ; Superior Court minutes 
(1755-1868) ; record of estates and of fiduciaries of estates (1808-1962) ; 
wills (1796-1962) ; record of adoptions (1934-1963) ; record of incorpora- 
tions (1898-1923) ; record of elections (1906-1960) ; inheritance tax 
record (1921-1962) ; military discharges (1919-1962) ; orders and decrees 
and special proceedings (1869-1962) ; and minutes of county commission- 
ers (1868-1924). 

Halifax County: Deeds (1732-1934) ; marriage registers (1851-1963) ; 
index to vital statistics (1913-1961) ; County Court minutes (1832-1868) ; 
Superior Court minutes (1868-1940) ; record of estates of fiduciaries of 
estates (1868-1963) ; wills (1759-1963) ; record of incorporations (1887- 
1947) ; maiden names of divorced women (1938-1963) ; record of election 
(1924-1963) ; inheritance tax record (1920-1963) ; military discharges 

146 The North Carolina Historical Review 

(1923-1963) ; orders and decrees and special proceedings (1868-1963) ; 

minutes of board of county commissioners (1873-1921), and county board 

of education (1909-1951). 

Hertford County: Deeds (1862-1960) ; marriage registers (1868-1963) ; 
index to vital statistics (1913-1962) ; County Court minutes (1830-1868) ; 
Superior Court minutes (1868-1950) ; record of estates and of fiduciaries 
of estates (1823-1963) ; wills (1830-1963) ; record of incorporations and 
partnerships (1878-1962) ; maiden names of divorced women (1939- 
1962) ; inheritance tax record (1920-1963) ; record of elections (1880- 
1962) ; orders and decrees and special proceedings (1868-1963) ; military 
discharges (1918-1961) ; federal tax lien index (1931-1962) ; record of 
taxes for mortgagees (1931-1934) ; record of land sold for taxes (1924- 
1936) ; minutes of board of county commissioners (1868-1939) ; and regis- 
ter of Confederate soldiers (1861-1865). 

With the completion of work in Surry and Martin counties, the perma- 
nently valuable records of 32 counties have now been repaired as neces- 
sary and microfilmed for security. Records of Burke, Caswell, and Nash 
counties have been inventoried and scheduled and microfilm camera 
operators are now at work in these counties. With Departmental advice 
and assistance Guilford County has also begun microfilming the perma- 
nently valuable county records. 

Mr. J. H. Hawley, Archivist II, resigned effective August 31 to accept 
employment in industry. On September 1 Mr. J. O. Hall, Archivist I, was 
promoted to Archivist II and assigned as relief for Mr. Hawley, and on 
the same date Mr. M. Kramer Jackson, a recent graduate of Atlantic 
Christian College joined the staff as Archivist I. On October 1 Mrs. Jean 
R. Miller was promoted to Archivist II, and on the same date Mr. Percy 
W. Hines, a graduate of Guilford College, joined the staff as a Clerk IV 
(Microfilm Camera Operator). 

The activities of the State Records Section centered about the work- 
shops, completing the records scheduling project, completing the reorgani- 
zation of the holdings and finding aids of the State Records Center, and 
continuing the special studies and files installations already started. 

The special study of fiscal records and paperwork has been completed 
and is being reviewed. A standard governing the disposition of fiscal 
records both in the central and operating agencies has been prepared and 
will be submitted to various officials for review and approval. 

Work continued on the preparation of a standard governing the dis- 
position of college and university records. 

The records management workshops continued. The Correspondence 
Management and Plain Letters Workshop was given five times to 150 
persons representing two agencies; the Files and Filing Workshop was 
given one time to 21 persons representing seven agencies. 

Schedules for the State Board of Pharmacy, Real Estate Licensing 
Board, Tax Review Board, the Law Enforcement Officers' Benefit and Re- 
tirement Fund were approved during the quarter ending September 30, 
1963. Schedules for the Board of Registration for Professional Engineers 
and Land Surveyors and the Laboratory of Hygiene were in the hands of 

Historical News 147 

the respective agencies for review. Schedules for the Department of In- 
surance, Rural Electrification Authority, Division of Community Planning, 
and Merit System Council were in process. Schedules for the State Board 
of Health, Teachers' and State Employees' Retirement System, State De- 
partment of Archives and History, Board of Paroles, and Board of Edu- 
cation have been amended. 

The high school equivalency records of the Department of Public In- 
struction and a subject file of the head of the Auditing and Accounting 
Division, Board of Education, have been reorganized. Bound records of 
the Secretary of State were rearranged. A plan for a central file for the 
Department of Mental Health has been developed and approved by the 
Department, and the new filing system will be installed with assistance 
from the Section. A files reorganization survey in the Merit System Coun- 
cil is being conducted simultaneously with the scheduling project in 
progress in that agency. 

The annual report of records holdings for the fiscal year ending June 30, 
1963, indicated that State agencies in Raleigh had a total of 91,901 cubic 
feet, an increase of 2,246 cubic feet over the previous year. This increase 
took place despite the fact that 6,231 cubic feet of records were destroyed 
in the agencies during the year and 6,173 cubic feet were transferred to 
the State Records Center. State institutions outside of Raleigh had a 
total of 11,629 cubic feet on June 30, and the examining and licensing 
boards reported 2,674 cubic feet. The total volume of State records on 
June 30, 1963, including the 26,745 cubic feet in the State Records Cen- 
ter, was 132,950 cubic feet. These figures do not include institutions of 
higher learning. 

In the State Records Center during the quarter ending September 30, 
2,424 cubic feet were accessioned and 790 cubic feet were disposed of, 
resulting in a net gain of 1,634 cubic feet. The total holdings of the 
Center on September 30 were 28,379 cubic feeet. The Records Center staff 
performed 13,411 reference services during the quarter, and 78 visitors 
from 19 State agencies and the U.S. Internal Revenue Service visited the 
Records Center to consult records. The Records Center sold 9.2 tons of 
records and four tons of punched cards as wastepaper during the quarter. 

Rearrangement of records holdings in the Records Center as the result 
of the installation of new shelving has been completed, and the index to 
records holdings has been completely revised. 

In the Microfilm Project 101 reels of microfilm containing 239,035 
images were filmed during the quarter ending September 30. In addition, 
75 reels of paid checks were processed for the State Treasurer. Processing 
of the budget reports and appropriations file of the Budget Division for 
the regular biennial filming was started. 

On November 4 a summary of the annual reports of records holdings 
submitted by State agencies was sent to Governor Sanford and to the 
Director of Administration. Copies were also sent to the records officers 
of all agencies. 

Mr. Charles I. Bryan, Records Management Consultant I, resigned Sep- 
tember 30, 1963, to accept a position in the Budget Division, Department 
of Administration. Mr. Claude R. Moore, Jr., was appointed Records 

148 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Management Consultant I, effective November 1* 1963. Mrs. Elizabeth C. 
Levings, Archivist II, resigned effective October 8. Mrs. Rebecca K. Clegg, 
Archivist I, was promoted to Archivist II, effective November 1, and Mrs. 
Judith A. Faulk was appointed Archivist I, effective the same date. Mr. 
John R. Van Hecke, Archivist II, was separated October 15, 1963, and 
Mr. E. F. Stephenson was appointed Clerk II (Microfilmer, part time), 
effective October 21, 1963. 

Division of Historic Sites 

Recently the Division has effected a reorganization of duties which has 
long-range possibilities for improvement and greater efficiency in the 
development and administration of historic site projects. As a result of 
reorganization, three historic site specialists have been transferred from 
individual projects in the field to the central office at Raleigh, where they 
will be engaged full time in specialized fields. They are Mr. Richard W. 
Sawyer, Jr., Mr. A. L. Honeycutt, Jr., and Mr. Walter Wootten. 

In the field, the administration of Fort Fisher has been combined with 
that of Brunswick Town, located nearby, and both projects are under 
the supervision of Mr. Stanley A. South, Archeologist. At Town Creek 
Indian Mound, Mr. Bennie C. Keel, Archeologist in charge for the past 
two years, resigned to take a new position at the University of North 
Carolina as Archeologist on the highway salvage program; his successor 
is Mr. Roy Dickens of Atlanta, Georgia, who formerly worked with the 
Georgia Historical Commission. In the far western part of the State, Mr. 
Robert 0. Conway, Historic Site Specialist in charge of the Vance Birth- 
place State Historic Site, has been designated as an area representative 
to handle historic site matters in the western part of the State. He will 
work with local groups on their restoration projects and will handle any 
new projects in which the State may be interested. 

The new position of Historic Site Assistant has been established for 
on-site supervisors of the individual historic site projects. Recently ap- 
pointed to such positions are Mrs. John A. Tankard at Historic Bath, Mr. 
Wayne Smith at Alamance Battleground, Mr. Egbert Ivey at Aycock 
Birthplace, and Mr. William Reid at Fort Fisher. 

The Historic Bath Commission on August 1 turned over to the Depart- 
ment of Archives and History for administration the historic properties 
at Bath — namely, the Palmer-Marsh House, the Bonner House, Hardings 
Landing, and certain undeveloped properties on the waterfront and around 
the Palmer-Marsh House. Funds for the operation of Historic Bath as a 
State Historic Site were appropriated by the 1963 General Assembly. Since 
August 1 the necessary personnel and other arrangements have been made 
and Bath is now in operation as a full-fledged State Historic Site. Since 
August 1 visitors from 15 of the States and from England have visited 

At the Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace two additional log structures — a 
corn crib and a meat house — have been erected, bringing to a total of 
seven the number of buildings there. Both of the new buildings have 
puncheon floors, some of the logs of which are two feet wide. 

Historical News 149 

Mr. Conway has presented programs at North Carolina Education 
Association district meetings at Boone and Mooresville and at Daughters 
of the American Revolution "good citizen" district meeting and the West 
Asheville Community Club. At the recent meeting of the Southern His- 
torical Association in Asheville, Mr. Conway served on the local arrange- 
ments committee and arranged for several bus tours to the Vance Birth- 
place. In October Mr. Conway visited several restored frontier forts in 
Kentucky and Tennessee in order to do research on log forts in prepara- 
tion for the proposed reconstruction of Davidson's Fort built in 1776 in 
what is now the town of Old Fort. 

At the fall meeting of the Western North Carolina Historical Associa- 
ciation at Hendersonville, October 26, Miss Mary M. Greenlee, co-chairman 
of the Carson House Restoration Committee, Inc., announced that a fund 
drive would be staged in McDowell County in November to raise funds to 
furnish the large two-story frame house built about 1800 by Colonel John 
Carson on the banks of Buck Creek three miles west of Marion. The 
McDowell County Historical Society has recently acquired the Carson 
House for preservation. Part of the house will be converted into a museum 
and space to house a library and archives collection. 

On September 8 a program was held at St. Philips Church in Brunswick 
Town commemorating the Spanish attack and capture of the town in 
1748, at which groundbreaking ceremonies for the visitor center-museum 
were carried out. 

The master of ceremonies for the program was Senator Ray Walton of 
Southport. Also taking part in the groundbreaking were Senator Cicero 
Yow, Representative Odell Williamson, and Representative Robert Calder, 
as well as Dr. Christopher Crittenden and others instrumental in sup- 
porting the Brunswick Town project. The main speaker for the day was 
Dr. E. Lawrence Lee, Jr., who spoke on the "Spanish Attack on Bruns- 
wick." Introducing Dr. Lee was Mr. J. L. Sprunt, donor of the land on 
which the site is located. Music for the event was furnished by Miss Julia 
Ribet, Administrative Assistant for the Carolina Charter Tercentenary 

Dr. Crittenden accepted a number of special gifts for the State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History. Mr. R. V. Asbury, Jr., the Brunswick Town 
guide, prepared a number of interesting displays and a brochure on the 
Brunswick Town site. 

At Brunswick Town the site is being cleared for the visitor center- 
museum, now being planned by Mr. James Milam of Raleigh, architect, 
and scheduled for construction next spring. Archeological work on colonial 
house sites in the Brunswick Town area has been continued throughout 
the fall. 

Mr. Stanley A. South, Archeologist in charge, made the arrangements 
for, and attended, the fourth annual Conference on Historic Site Archeol- 
ogy at Macon, Georgia, on November 31. Mr. South read a paper on the 
analysis of buttons excavated at Brunswick Town and Fort Fisher. His 
paper classified and dated various types of buttons from early colonial 
into the mid-nineteenth century. 

150 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A conference with the Brunswick Town Nature Trail Committee of the 
garden clubs of North Carolina, Inc., resulted in the formulation of plans 
for the nature trail, for a brochure, and for a display on Brunswick Town 
to be exhibited at the Southeastern Flower and Garden Show to be held 
in Charlotte in March. Mr. South has recently spoken to the social science 
teachers at the NCEA district meeting in Fayetteville. He conducted a 
brief archeological investigation in the backyard of the Attmore-Oliver 
House in New Bern, finding an old cistern and the foundation of an early 
building located beneath the present smokehouse. 

At Fort Fisher, with the purchase of additional land recently from 
Mrs. Bessie Sears Orrell of Wilmington, emphasis has been given to addi- 
tional clearing and landscaping in the newly acquired areas. New en- 
trances have been opened, brush and lines have been cleared from the area 
in which the visitor center-museum will be constructed, and fences outlin- 
ing a new parking area have been built. Landscaping around the excavated 
lightkeeper's house site on Battle Acre has been carried out. 

Mr. William Reid of Carolina Beach has been employed as Historic Site 
Assistant. He has supervised work crews in clearing additional land and 
in the over-all maintenance program. 

Preliminary plans for the visitor center-museum have been drawn by 
the architectural firm of Ballard, McKim and Sawyer, Wilmington, and 
consultations have been held with various members of the Division staff 
concerning these plans. 

On August 24 the Department of Archives and History, the North 
Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission, and New Hanover County 
were co-sponsors of the Hebe Skirmish Centennial and Fort Fisher Visitor 
Center-Museum Groundbreaking Ceremony. Music for the occasion was 
furnished by the Second Marine Division Drum and Bugle Corps. Mr. 
Henry J. MacMillan and Mr. Norman C. Larson were masters of cere- 
monies for the four-hour program which featured military demonstra- 
tions by the North Carolina Sixth Regiment, the Washington Grays, 10th 
North Carolina Regiment, the Third South Carolina Volunteers, and the 
Cape Fear Home Guard. 

Special guests for the occasion were members of the Munn family, 
descendants of Captain Daniel Munn, who operated the Whitworth gun 
presented as a loan to the Fort Fisher site by Rear-Admiral L. R. Daspit, 
Commandant of the Sixth Naval District. Mr. Glenn M. Tucker of Caro- 
lina Beach accepted the gun, on behalf of Governor Terry Sanford, for 
the State. 

The barbecue supper was followed by a speech by Mr. Hamilton Coch- 
ran and the groundbreaking ceremony for the visitor center-museum. The 
program concluded with a fireworks display simulating the Hebe Skirmish 
and an engagement between Fort Fisher and the Federal blockading fleet. 
The program prepared for the ceremonies is on sale for 50^ and may be 
ordered from Mr. South. 

During the last week in July the Archeologist was in charge of co-ordi- 
nating the joint Department of Archives and History and Navy operation 
to recover cannon from the blockader U.S.S. "PeterhonY' which was sunk 
March 6, 1864, after being accidentally rammed by a fellow blockader, 

Historical News 151 

the "Monticello." Six cannons were located by Lt. Commander J. L. Bull 
and his crew of divers, and two of these were brought ashore to the Preser- 
vation Laboratory at Fort Fisher. The wreck of the "Peterhoff" was 
located by Mr. Charles Foard and Mr. Hall Watters of Wilmington. Near 
the end of August a third cannon was brought ashore by divers from 
Indian Head, Maryland, through the efforts of the North Carolina Con- 
federate Centennial Commission. 

Mr. Roy S. Dickens, Jr., Archeological Assistant in charge of Town 
Creek Indian Mound State Historic Site, attended the Southeastern Arche- 
ological Conference in Macon, Georgia, on October 31 and read a paper on 
"Excavations at Eagle Tavern, Watkinsville, Georgia." At Town Creek, Mr. 
Dickens reports 38,165 visitors from January 1 through October 31, 1963. 
Approximately 800 school children visited the site in groups and were 
given tours during the months of September and October. 

Alamance Battleground has been the scene of several special events. On 
August 10 the Alamance Civitan Club held its annual picnic at the site 
with approximately 75 people attending. On August 22 the Alamance 
Chapter of the American War Mothers held its annual picnic and business 
session. Mrs. Fred Harding, State President, and Mrs. Mary Flemming, 
State Chairman of the Legislative Committee, both of Raleigh, were spe- 
cial guests of the Alamance Chapter. On October 5 a special tour of the 
project was conducted for about 40 persons attending the joint meeting 
in Raleigh of the American Association for State and Local History and 
the Society of American Archivists. The Women's Division of the Ala- 
mance County Chamber of Commerce were hostesses for the occasion and 
served refreshments. The tour of the site was conducted by Mr. Walter 
Wootten, formerly resident at Alamance and in charge of the project. 

At Aycock Birthplace the original Aycock stables have been relocated 
to the site and are now being restored. The stable, built probably in the 
1850's, is typical of the period, having a central hallway with four horse 
stalls on each side. In the hay loft is a plank bearing the inscription 
"B. Aycock, Nahunta." Evidently it was the top plank of a load of lumber 
delivered to Governor Aycock's father, Benjamin, to be used in the con- 
struction of the building. Mr. Egbert Ivey of Fremont, Historic Site As- 
sistant in charge of the Aycock Birthplace restoration, is a native of 
Wayne County and a graduate of Seven Springs High School. Later he 
had three years additional training in industrial arts. He will be in charge 
of maintenance and operation of the project. 

On October 5 Aycock Birthplace and its staff were hosts on a tour of 
the site for members attending the annual joint meeting of the Society of 
American Archivists and the American Association for State and Local 
History held in Raleigh. This tour was arranged as a special feature on 
the return trip for the convention delegates who visited Tryon Palace on 
the same day as guests of the Tryon Palace Commission. 

At Bentonville Battleground the way is cleared with letting of con- 
tracts for the construction of a visitor center-museum. Contracts totaled 
$39,151. The general contract goes to Walter G. Lassiter, Smithfield, for 
$29,250. Plumbing, heating and ventilating, and electrical contracts for 
smaller amounts were awarded respectively to Jordan and Holt, Smith- 

152 The North Carolina Historical Review 

field; Clinton Hardware, Clinton; and Stephenson Electric Company, 
Garner. The architect for the new building is Ingram and Johnson, 
Architect-Engineer, Charlotte. Construction is expected to begin in De- 

Mr. Nicholas B. Bragg, Historic Site Specialist in charge of Bentonville 
Battleground, Bennett Place, and the Department's co-ordination of de- 
velopment at Historic Halifax, has resigned to accept a position as Direc- 
tor of Education at Old Salem, Winston-Salem. 

Mr. J. H. Craig, Curator of Arts and Crafts, has recently acquired and 
installed appropriate furnishings in the reconstructed kitchen at the 
Bonner House, Bath, and is currently seeking and acquiring appropriate 
northeastern North Carolina and southeastern Virginia furniture for 
the Dutch Colonial House at Halifax. The Halifax House will feature 
furnishings of the area from the early-eighteenth century to 1776, the 
beginning of the Revolution. Assisting Mr. Craig is a furnishings com- 
mittee of the Historical Halifax Restoration Association, of which Mr. 
L. A. Cox of Rocky Mount, a dealer in antiques, is chairman. 

Mr. Walter Wootten, Division Historian, is conducting comprehensive 
research on Halifax. His findings will serve as the basis for further 
restoration and development of historic properties in Halifax. 

Mr. Richard Iobst, a graduate student at the University of North Caro- 
lina, is conducting research on the James K. Polk Birthplace near Char- 
lotte, preparatory to the planning by the Division staff for the reconstruc- 
tion of the Polk Birthplace dwelling house and outbuildings and the gen- 
eral development of the site. At the same time, steps are being taken by 
the Department of Administration to acquire the property for develop- 

Division of Museums 

Mr. Robert B. Mayo, Exhibits Curator, attended a seminar in July at 
Cooperstown, New York, on "Exhibit Techniques for Small Museums'' 
and "Administering Small Collections." While on this trip the Curator 
visited new museums for the purpose of meeting with the directors and 
discussing the use of exhibit arpas for the forthcoming new building for 
the Department and the State Library. 

One outstanding collection obtained by the Hall of History during 
September consisted of several pieces of furniture which once belonged 
to Governor Jonathan Worth. These items were a gift from the family. 

The fourth annual meeting of the Underwater Archeaological Society 
of America was held in Philadelphia in July, and the Administrative 
Assistant, Mr. Samuel P. Townsend, delivered a 30-minute talk there 
on the topic, "The Diver and Underwater Archaeology." 

From Julv 29 until August 2 Mr. Townsend aided in co-ordinating the 
State-U.S. Navy diving operations on the U.S.S. "Peterhoff." Two 32- 
pounder cannons were recovered. Diving was done by the crew of the 
U.S.S. "Petrol." The second diving operation on this vessel took place the 
week of August 25, and another 32-pounder cannon was recovered. 

Historical News 153 

Mr. Townsend worked with Mr. Norman C. Larson, Dr. Crittenden, and 
Attorney General Wade C. Bruton in determining what legal restraints 
can and should be used by the State in inhibiting unauthorized, and 
especially destructive, diving and salvaging of sunken historically signifi- 
cant wrecks off the North Carolina coast. Mr. George Rountree, attorney 
of Wilmington, has been appointed by Mr. Bruton to represent the State's 
interests in these wrecks. 

The Museums Administrator, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, and Mr. Mayo 
attended the Southeastern Museums Conference in Miami, Florida, Octo- 
ber 24-26. On October 8 Mrs. Jordan spoke to the Thomasville Woman's 

Mrs. Mary B. Morgan, Assistant Registrar, who works part time dur- 
ing the school months, returned on September 5. The Museums Prepara- 
tor, Mr. John Amari, resigned effective September 17, to accept a teaching 
position in Durham. Mr. Charles W. Loftin began work on September 9, 
replacing Mr. Samuel E. Erwin. Mr. Loftin is. now in charge of the 
Mobile Museum of History. The Education Curator, Mr. Robert W. Jones, 
prepared the script for the fireworks at the State Fair. 

Division of Publications 

Despite the summer lull, the sales in the Division of Publications for 
the third quarter totaled $4,500, with $2,514 being retained by the Divi- 
sion and $1,986 being turned over to the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association. Publications distributed included 79 documentary 
volumes; 11 letter books of governors; 223 small books; 5,526 pamphlets, 
charts, and maps; 16,995 leaflets and brochures; and 3,298 copies of the 
the list of publications available from the State Department of Archives 
and History. The total of 26,132 does not include 1,957 copies of the 
Autumn, 1963, issue of The North Carolina Historical Review and 1,921 
copies of the July and 1,988 copies of the September issue of Carolina 
Comments. The order for copies of The Review was increased from 2,000 
to 2,200 of the Autumn number and is being increased to 2,400 with this 
issue. There were 187 new subscriptions and 306 renewals to The Review. 

The pamphlets on the Mexican War and Tarheel Authors have been 
reprinted; Indians in North Carolina and Civil War Pictures are sche- 
duled to be reprinted soon. Several brochures — Bennett Place, Bentonville 
Alamance Battleground, Vance Birthplace, Town Creek Indian Mound, 
and Fort Fisher — were reprinted and a brochure on Historic Bath issued 
for the first time by the Department. The brochure on Andrew Johnson's 
Birthplace is also being reprinted. 

With the permission of the Secretary of State, the publisher of the 
North Carolina Manual, the first section of the 1963 edition was issued 
by the Department as a separate pamphlet. Entitled The Old North State 
Fact Book, the pamphlet contains information on State government in 
general, the State Flag, the bird, the song, the Halifax Resolves, and 
numerous other items about which school children want material. It is 
being sold for 25 cents, postpaid. 

154 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Copy for three new pamphlets has been sent to the printer. North Caro- 
lina's Role in World War II, by Dr. Sarah McCulloh Lemmon; North 
Carolina Signers: Brief Sketches of the Men Who Signed the Declaration 
of Independence and the Constitution, by Mrs. Memory F. Mitchell; and 
Higher Education in North Carolina, by Mr. William S. Powell, should be 
available by early 1964. Each will be sold for 25 cents; all three will be 

Copies of Volume I of The Papers of Zebulon Baird Vance, edited by 
Dr. Frontis W. Johnston, are still available from the Division of Publica- 
tions for $5.00 each. The Ellis Papers are now in galley proof and will 
be completed in the spring of 1964. The subject-title-author index to The 
North Carolina Historical Review will be available early in 1964 for $5.00. 
It will be the same size as The Review so that the index can be bound with 
the regular issues of the journal. 

Mr. Noble J. Tolbert, who is editing the Ellis Papers and who has been 
on the staff of the North Carolina Collection of the Library of the Univer- 
sity of North Carolina at Chapel Hill for several years, has joined the 
staff of the Division of Publications as Editorial Assistant I. 

A meeting of the Editorial Board was held on September 25 in the 
offices of the Division of Publications. The entire publications program 
was reviewed. New members of the Board, Dr. Mattie Russell and Dr. 
Henry S. Stroupe, replaced Dr. Robert H. Woody and Dr. Frontis W. 
Johnston whose terms had expired. Other members of the Board are 
Dr. Sarah McCulloh Lemmon, Mr. William S. Powell, and Mr. John R. 
Jordan, Jr. 

Mrs. Memory F. Mitchell, Editor, attended a meeting of the Advisory 
Editorial Board of the Colonial Records Project in Chapel Hill, October 10. 
She and Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, Editorial Assistant II, attended 
the Historical Society of North Carolina's fall meeting in Chapel Hill on 
November 1 and the Southern Historical Association in Asheville, Novem- 
ber 7-9. 


Dr. Loren C. MacKinney, Kenan Professor of History at the University 
of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, died on October 27. Dr. MacKinney 
had been on the faculty of the University since 1930 and was known for 
his research and writing in the history of medieval medicine. 

Effective July 1 Dr. William J. Block was promoted to the position of 
Professor in the Department of History and Political Science at North 
Carolina State of the University of North Carolina at Raleigh. Dr. Ralph 
W. Greenlaw joined the staff as Associate Professor and Mr. Lawrence E. 
Bennett and Mr. John H. Gilbert became Instructors on the same date. 
Dr. Burton F. Beers participated in the Asian Studies Program of East 
Carolina College, lecturing on "Problems in American-Japanese Relations" 
and "Red China Today" in Greenville on July 19. Dr. Abraham Holtzman 
recently had a book, The Townsend Movement: A Political Study, pub- 

Historical News 155 

lished by Bookman Associates, Inc. Dr. Holtzman was named, in October, 
to a three-year term as a member of the Executive Council of the South- 
ern Political Science Association. On October 31 he read a paper to that 
Association, "Executive Lobbying: The Legislative Liaison Agents of the 
Department of the National Government." Dr. Stuart Noblin was ap- 
pointed Chairman of the Awards Committee, North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association, in July. 

Dr. J. C. Yoder, Chairman of the Department of Social Studies, Appa- 
lachian State Teachers College, announced the promotion of Mrs. Eloise 
Melton from Instructor to Assistant Professor, effective July 1. The 1963 
edition of Faculty Publications was planned to celebrate the sixtieth anni- 
versary of the establishment of State support of the College and the three 
hundredth anniversary of the granting of the Carolina Charter to the 
Lords Proprietors. Included in the publication are "Appalachian State 
Teachers College: A History," by Dr. D. J. Whitener; "Naturalists in 
Colonial North Carolina," by Mr. J. Frank Randall; and "They Came to 
Grow in North Carolina," by Mr. John Corey. 

Dr. Albert L. Diket of East Carolina College had an article, "Slidell's 
Right Hand: Emil la Sere," published in the Summer, 1963, issue of 
Louisiana History. Mr. James Hugh Wease joined the faculty in Septem- 
ber as Department Supervisor of Student Teaching (History). Dr. Joseph 
F. Steelman was elected to the Executive Council of the Historical Society 
of North Carolina at its November meeting. Members of the faculty have 
also recently participated in several programs. Dr. Herbert R. Paschal, 
Jr., spoke on the topic, "Lee's Grandest Hour," to the Tau Chapter of Phi 
Sigma Pi National Honorary and Professional Fraternity on October 19 
at East Carolina College ; he served as Discussant at the Carolina Charter 
Tercentenary Commission's session at the Southern Historical Association 
in Asheville on November 7. Dr. Richard C. Todd spoke to the Pitt County 
Historical Society, on November 21 on the topic "Nathanael Greene: 
Military Strategist." 

Dr. Richard Bardolph, Head of the Department of History and Political 
Science at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, read a paper 
on medieval warfare to the Pacific Coast Branch of the American His- 
torical Association in San Francisco, California, on August 27. He con- 
ducted an evening television course on WUNC-TV during the fall semester. 
Three members of the faculty of the Department were promoted to the 
rank of Assistant Professor, effective July 1: Mr. Jonathan Spurgeon, 
Mrs. Betty C. Clutts, and Mr. Converse D. Clowse. Miss Barbara Barks- 
dale and Mr. Michael J. Yavenditti joined the Department on September 1 
as Instructors. Beginning with the fall, 1963, semester, the Department 
offered a Master of Arts program ; eight candidates for the M.A. in history 

156 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dr. Richard L. Watson, Jr., Chairman of the Department of History at 
Duke University, published an article, "The Defeat of Judge Parker: A 
Study in Pressure Groups and Politics," in the September, 1963, issue of 
The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. Members of the Duke History 
Department who participated in the Southern Historical Association ses- 
sions in Asheville, November 7-9, were Dr. I. B. Holley, Jr., who served as 
Discussant at a session on United States Military History ; Dr. Robert F. 
Durden, who was Commentator at a session on "Aspects of Southern 
Urbanisrn"; Dr. Robert H. Woody, who read a paper entitled "Changing 
Times and Topics in Southern History"; and Dr. William B. Hamilton, 
who served as Chairman at a session on Historical Research and Law and 
who also presided at a luncheon of the European History Group. Over 60 
persons attended the Duke breakfast for alumni. 

Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon, Chairman of the Department of History and 
Political Science at Meredith College, served on a panel at the State 
Democratic Women's Convention in Raleigh on October 19 discussing the 
topic, "What Men Like and Don't Like About Women in Politics." Miss 
Carolyn Barrington joined the faculty of the Department in September 
as an Instructor. 

Dr. Elmer L. Puryear, Dean of the College and Professor of History at 
Greensboro College, spoke to the Colonial Dames of North Carolina in 
Greensboro on September 28, on the Huguenots. 


The Fessenden Memorial Association was reactivated at a meeting on 
July 5 in Manteo. Mr. D. Victor Meekins, Secretary, contacted interested 
people, inviting them to join in the movement to create a memorial com- 
memorating the achievements of the late Professor Reginald A. Fessenden, 
who was successful with the wireless telephone on Roanoke Island in 
1902. Mr. Meekins has been informed by Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
Director of the State Department of Archives and History, that the papers 
of Fessenden were sent to the Department in 1944 by Fessenden's son, 
with the "understanding that if a Fessenden museum was ever established 
on Roanoke Island, adequately equipped to preserve and care for these 
papers, they would be transferred" to such a museum. The Association 
was organized in Washington, D. C, in 1941. A unit of HAM operators 
has recently expressed interest in the memorial and the scope of the pro- 
ject is yet to be determined. 

The July issue of Historical Foundation News carried an article, "The 
Presbyterian Church in Colonial North Carolina," as a feature of the 
observance of the three hundredth anniversary of the granting of the 
Carolina Charter and the one hundredth and fiftieth anniversary of the 
Synod of North Carolina. The documented article covers the period from 
1684 to 1774, the eve of the Revolution. 

Historical News 157 

The North Carolina Coastal Historyland Association has completed 
plans for the promotion of 34 counties in the eastern section of the State. 
State Senator P. D. Midgett of Engelhard presided at the meeting on 
July 12 which was held at Fort Raleigh. Bylaws were adopted and the 
group agreed to work in co-operation with other development associations 
of the area. Inventories of historic and recreational resources are being 
prepared for study. 

The annual watermelon cutting of the Carteret County Historical So- 
ciety was held on July 20 at the Swansboro Community Center. The Ons- 
low County Historical Society, Swansboro Historical Association, and 
the Beaufort Historical Association were guests of the Carteret group. 
Mr. John R. Gibson presided, assisted by Mr. Tucker Littleton ; Mrs. J. 0. 
Tally, Jr., of Fayetteville, was guest speaker. A display of tools and 
implements used in the making of turpentine and its by-products was 
exhibited. The November meeting of the Carteret Society was held on 
October 19 in the Civic Center, Morehead City. Mrs. Grayden Paul, Beau- 
fort, read a paper on the "Hammock House" reputed to have been erected 
prior to the establishment of the Town of Beaufort in 1723. Officers 
elected to serve for 1964 are Mr. John R. Gibson, President ; Mr. Grayden 
Paul, Vice-President; Mr. Thomas Respess, Secretary; and Mrs. E. G. 
Phillips, Treasurer. Retiring President John S. MacCormack presided. 

The Wilkes County Historical Society held its quarterly meeting on 
July 29 with President T. E. Story presiding. Mr. Conrad Alexander of 
Purlear was the featured speaker. 

The Union County Historical Association met on August 8 at Pleasant 
Grove Camp Ground. 

The Gaston County Historical Society met August 9 at the Education 
Building of the First Methodist Church in Belmont. 

The Catawba County Historical Association met on July 16 at which 
time a movie on the Civil War was presented. Members of the Barringer 
Clan presented a copy of the Barringer coat of arms for the Historical 
Museum. Members of this family were among the pioneer settlers of the 
Catawba County area. Acting president Thomas Warlick presided at the 
meeting. Mr. J. Weston Clinard spoke on the early history of Hickory at 
the August 10 meeting of the Association and on September 8 the group 
held a special observance for the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Year. 
Mr. Dolan McCombs of Newton recently contributed a number of items 
to the Museum, according to Mr. Warlick. At the October 12 meeting the 
following officers were elected: Mr. Warlick, President; Mr. G. Sam 
Rowe, First Vice-President; Mrs. Rome E. Jones, Second Vice-President; 
Mrs. Roy Smyre, Secretary ; Mrs. Frances Snyder, Treasurer ; Mrs. Mar- 
guerite May, Custodian ; and Mr. Paul Wagner, Historian. Annual reports 
were given and the restoration of the Old Smyrna log church (1832) was 

158 The North Carolina Historical Review 


discussed. The regular meeting date of the Catawba historical group was 
changed at the November 9 meeting. The new date will be the first 
Wednesday night of each month at 7 :30 P.M. Memorial gifts for the Mu- 
seum have been made by Dr. and Mrs. Frank W. Jones and Mr. Warliek. 
Museum hours are 2:30 to 5:30 p.m. Wednesday and Sunday and 7:00 to 
9 :00 P.M. on Friday. 

The Edenton and Chowan County Historical Commission, in co-operation 
with the Cupola House Association, will begin the restoration of the 
Cupola House as its first major project. Efforts to retrieve the original 
downstairs woodwork and paneling of the House, now in the Brooklyn 
Museum of Art, have failed, but present plans call for the copying of 
these items to restore the interior. A legislative appropriation of $22,500 
for the House and $1,600 for the Barker House was made by the 1963 
General Assembly. Mr. David Warren, President of the Association, gave 
a progress report and Dr, Robert Lee Humber, Chairman of the Commis- 
sion, presided at the June 29 meeting. 

New officers of the Hillsborough Historical Society elected at the an- 
nual meeting on October 11 are Mrs. Alfred G. Engstrom, President; Mrs. 
H. W. Moore, First Vice-President ; Miss Betty June Hayes, Second Vice- 
President; Mrs. Clarence D. Jones, Third Vice-President; Mrs. Marion B. 
Roberts, Secretary; and Miss Elizabeth H. Collins, Treasurer. Mr. and 
Mrs. John A. Kellenberger of Greensboro, members of the Tryon Palace 
Commission, gave a slide-lecture on the Palace and gardens. On Septem- 
ber 13 Dr. Elizabeth R. Daniel of Duke University gave an illustrated 
lecture on "Early American Furniture: Its Various Periods and Styles." 
The Society met again on October 12 for an orientation program on His- 
toric Hillsborough. Mrs. Engstrom and Dr. Robert J. Murphy spoke. 
Mr. James A. Gray of Old Salem, Inc., was a special guest. On December 6 
the Society co-sponsored, with the Orange County Tercentenary Com- 
mission, a program of chamber music. 

Miss Annie Bostian announces the second edition of Sketches of Old 
Rowan, with drawings by Aubrey Atkinson and stories by George Raynor. 
The oversize book with its 16 pen and ink studies (removable for fram- 
ing) is priced at $3.35 per copy (including tax and mailing cost) and may 
be ordered from Miss Bostian, 328 East Bank St., Salisbury. 

The directors of the Wachovia Historical Society were re-elected at the 
sixty-eighth annual meeting held recently at the Old Salem Reception Cen- 
ter. The Society met jointly with Old Salem, Inc. Mr. John Fries Blair, 
Chairman of the Wachovia Society, presided. Directors are Mr. Blair, 
Miss Juanita Masten, Dr. Frank Albright, Mr. James S. Brawley, Mr. 
Archibald Craige, Mr. Archie K. Davis, Mr. Chester S. Davis, Dr. Ralph P. 
Hanes, Mr. William K. Hoyt, Mr. William S. Koenig, Dr. Donald M. Mc- 
Corkle, Bishop J. K. Pfohl, Mr. Ralph A. Reed, the Reverend Burton J. 
Rights, Mr. Charles N. Siewers, Mr. W. A. Starbuck, Mr. Charles B. 
Wade, Jr., and the Reverend Herbert Weber. 

Historical News 159 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt spoke to the Pitt County Historical Society on Octo- 
ber 3. He discussed the writing of county history, especially that of Pitt. 
Miss Elizabeth Copeland presided and urged members to support the 
county history project as Pitt County is two hundred and three years 
old. Dr. Herbert Paschal, Jr., gave a report. 

The Yancey County Historical Association was organized early in Octo- 
ber with the following officers elected to serve the first term: Mr. Z. B. 
Byrd, President; Mr. R. W. Wilson, First Vice-President; Mr. Ralph 
Proffitt, Second Vice-President; Mrs. Brook Wilson, Treasurer; Mrs. 
Hobart Ray, Recording Secretary; and Mrs. H. G. Bailey, Corresponding 
Secretary. The immediate project to be undertaken by the Association is 
to be a history of the county. Persons having information on the history 
of Yancey County are asked to contact Mr. Byrd, Box 774, Burnsville. 
Mr. Byrd presided at the November meeting of the Association and asked 
members to submit research papers for programs. December 2 was the 
date set for the last meeting of the year. 

On October 14 Dr. I. G. Greer of Chapel Hill was re-elected President 
of the Southern Appalachian Historical Association, producer of "Horn 
in the West." Other officers are Mr. H. W. Wilcox, Vice-President; Mr. 
J. U. Caudill, Secretary; Mr. 0. K. Richardson, Treasurer. Dr. D. J. 
Whitener made the financial report; Mr. W. R. Winkler discussed plans 
to rebuild the Daniel Boone Theater by the 1964 season. Principal speaker 
was Mr. Wallace Carroll, Editor-Publisher of the Winston-Salem Journal- 

Dr. Blackwell P. Robinson, Professor of History at the University of 
North Carolina at Greensboro and President of the North Carolina So- 
ciety of County and Local Historians, spoke to the Person County His- 
torical Society on October 20. Miss Annie Belle Crowder, President, who 
presided at the meeting held at Paine's Chapel, announced that the annual 
membership drive was underway. The Society plans to study the various 
historic sites in the County during 1964. 

The Caswell County Historical Society met at the County Courthouse 
on October 23. Mr. Ralph Aldridge gave an illustrated lecture on "Co- 
lonial Caswell County." 

On October 24 the fall meeting of the Wayne County Historical Society 
was held in the County Education Building. Dr. Donald Becker of Mt. 
Olive College spoke on "North Carolina — Reluctant Confederate State." 
It was announced by Mr. Conway Rose, President, that Mrs. E. Charles 
Powell had resumed work on her history of Wayne County. 

The fall meeting of the Western North Carolina Historical Association 
was held in Hendersonville on October 26. Following the business session 
Colonel Paul A. Rockwell spoke on "A Memorial to Mr. Thomas A. Pear- 

160 The North Carolina Historical Review 

son," and Mr. Harley E. Jolley talked on "The Struggle for the Routing 
of the Scenic Parkway." 

Dr. Hugh T. Lefler, Kenan Professor of History at the University of 
North Carolina at Chapel Hill, spoke to the Chatham County Historical 
Society on October 30. A large audience attended the meeting held in the 
County Courthouse in Pittsboro. Mrs. Ed Holmes, President, presided 
and Mrs. Harry Horton introduced the speaker. Others participating on 
the program were Mr. Lemuel Johnson and Mrs. C. Herbert Jourdan. 

"The John White Drawings" was the topic of a paper read by Mr. 
William S. Powell, Head of the North Carolina Collection at the Univer- 
sity of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, at the November 1 afternoon meet- 
ing of the Historical Society of North Carolina. Dr. Samuel H. Hobbs, Jr., 
read his presidential address to members and guests following the dinner 
at the Carolina Inn in Chapel Hill. Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs, Professor of 
History and Political Science at Greensboro College, was elected Presi- 
dent and Dr. H. H. Cunningham of Elon College was re-elected Secretary- 
Treasurer. Dr. Edward W. Phifer of Morganton was elected to member- 
ship in the Society. 

The Lower Cape Fear Historical Society has voted to purchase the Lati- 
mer House at the corner of Third and Orange Streets. Mr. N. Winfield 
Sapp reports that $3,455 of the $20,000 purchase price has been raised 
through pledges and donations. No formal fund-raising campaign is 
planned; persons wishing to contribute may send their donations in care 
of the Society, Box 1170, Wilmington. Approximately 150 members of the 
historical group met on November 8 with Mr. Sapp presiding. Mr. Philip 
Kennedy of the Romance Language Department of the University of 
North Carolina at Chapel Hill discussed his experiences in collecting bal- 
lads and folklore. Many of the songs he presented originated in the Tide- 
water and coastal areas. Mr. Stanley A. South presented Mr. Kennedy; 
Mrs. Virginia Jennewein displayed a number of musical scores and ballads 
of the nineteenth century. The October issue of the Lower Cape Fear His- 
torical Society, Inc., Bulletin contains the President's message, a list of 
new members, an article on "Historic Preservation" by Mr. John Voor- 
hees, brief articles by Mr. Henry J. MacMillan and Mr. Douglas R. Hud- 
son, and a reproduction of the John Burgwin portrait housed in the Hall 
of History, Raleigh. 

The Archaeological Society of North Carolina met on November 16 at 
the Greensboro Historical Museum. Speakers were Mr. Robert L. Rands 
and Mr. Bennie C. Keel of the University of North Carolina Research 
Laboratory of Anthropology in Chapel Hill ; and Mrs. Mae W. Bell, Direc- 
tor of the Rocky Mount Children's Museum; and Mr. Stanley A. South, 
Archeologist with the State Department of Archives and History; and 
Mrs. James F. McMillan, President of the Society. The Research Labora- 
tory of Anthropology, of which Dr. Joffre Coe is Director, sponsored the 

Historical News 161 

The first copies of the "Newsletter of Moravian Studies" were issued 
in September. News items relating to archival and historical work con- 
ducted by the Moravian Archives in Winston-Salem and Bethlehem, 
Pennsylvania, the Moravian Historical Society, Moravian College, and 
the Theological Seminary will be reported in the news bulletin twice 
yearly. A number of notices, including that of the forthcoming Volume 
IX of Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, is included in the issue. 
A bibliography of the "Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society" 
is also given. 

The Mecklenburg Historical Association met on November 20 and 
elected the following officers: Chairman Victor King, Mr. Aaron Boggs, 
Mrs. Patsy Godwin, Miss Annie Batten, Mr. George Houston, and Mrs. 
Bonnie Petteway, Trustees; Mr. James B. Vogler, First Vice-President; 
Mr. Irwin Belk, Second Vice-President ; and Mrs. John Staton, President. 
Mr. James A. Stenhouse, first President of the group, was made President 
Emeritus. Mr. Staton announced committee appointments and members 
voted to meet on the third Monday of January, March, May, and October. 

The Wake County Historical Society met in the Assembly Room of 
the State Department of Archives and History on September 30. Mr. 
Thornton W. Mitchell, Program Chairman, introduced the speaker, Mrs. 
Mary Givens Bryan, Archivist of the State of Georgia. Mrs. J. Bourke 
Bilisoly, President, presided at the meeting. 

The Carteret County News-Times, for November 22, featured a special 
magazine section with a play, "Blackbeard : Raider of the Carolina Seas." 
The drama was written by Miss Ruth Peeling, Editor of the News-Times. 
The play was prepared for the observance of the three hundredth anniver- 
sary of the granting of the Carolina Charter of 1663. Mrs. James H. 
McLain of Morehead City illustrated the magazine with the exception of 
the cover. The reproduction on the cover was taken from a painting of 
Blackbeard by Mr. H. Charles McBarron, which was presented by Mr. 
W. B. Patterson, District Manager of the American Oil Company, and 
accepted by Governor Terry Sanford on behalf of the State in 1962. 


(Act of October 23, 1962; Section 4369, Title 39, United States Code) 

Date of filing was September 26, 1963. 

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COVER — Confederate deserters are shown hiding in the North Carolina 
mountains. From Pictorial War Record, October 27, 1883. For an article 
on desertion, see pages 163-189. 

■•.< ■■ 

Volume XLI Published in April, 1964 Number 2 





CAROLINA TROOPS IN THE CIVIL WAR ______ ____________ 163 

Richard Bardolph 


CAMPAIGN OF 1924 _______190 

John Robert Moore 


I. Noel Hume 

REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA FICTION, 1962-1963 __________:226 

. , Arlin Turner 



Henry Belk 


DECEMBER 19, 1730 ____239 

Edited by Edmund and Dorothy S. Berkeley 


Louis Manarin 


William S. Powell 




Poe, My First 80 Years, by William C. White 262 

Bird, The History of Western Carolina College: The Progress 

of an Idea, by Elisha P. Douglass 263 

Thompson, Presbyterians in the South, Volume One, 1607-1861, 

by Harold J. Dudley 264 

Singletary, Negro Militia and Reconstruction, by Otto H. Olsen 266 

MOORE, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy, 

by Clarence D. Douglas 267 

Caruso and Bolyard, The Southern Frontier, 

by Charlton W. Tebeau .268 

Callahan, Royal Raiders: The Tories of the American 

Revolution, by Carlos R. Allen, Jr 269 

Rice, Travels in North America in the Years 1780, 

1781 and 1782, by Michael G. Kammen 270 

Cunningham, The Jeffersonians in Power: Party Operations, 

1801-1809, by Lawrence F. Brewster 273 

EATON, The Leaven of Democracy: The Growth of the 

Democratic Spirit in the Time of Jackson, by Edwin A. Miles .... 274 

Hollingsworth, The Whirligig of Politics: The Democracy of 

Cleveland and Bryan, by Frank Grubbs .276 

Valentine, Fathers to Sons: Advice Without Consent, 

by I. B. Holley, Jr .277 

Other Recent Publications 278 


By Richard Bardolph * 

That the Confederate soldier has no superior in the annals of war 
is an article of the American Creed. His accomplishments against 
overwhelming odds, through four years of heroic struggle and suffer- 
ing, are his monument. Magnificent in his forbearance and his valor; 
generous, beyond belief, in his response to the fearful demands made 
upon him; he remains an authentic American hero, celebrated alike 
by the descendants of his comrade-in-arms and of his conqueror. 

And yet, desertion from the ranks of the Confederate Army had 
progressed alarmingly before the end of the first year of the War, 
and by the latter half of the conflict hundreds of regiments could not 
muster so much as one-third of their paper strength. 1 General Robert 
E. Lee's dispatches give impressive support for the judgment of one 
modern historian, himself a southerner, that this evil was "the most 
disgraceful chapter in the history of the Southern War for Indepen- 
dence." 2 

The war was little more than a year old when the Secretary of War, 
George W. Randolph, wrote the several Confederate State governors 
that "our armies are so much weakened by desertions and by the 
absence of officers and men without leave, that we are unable to 

* Dr. Bardolph is Head of the Department of History and Political Science at the 
University of North Carolina at Greensboro. A portion of this study was made possible 
by grants from the Social Science Research Council and from the Research Council 
of the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. 

1 The standard account of desertion in both the Confederate and Union armies is 
Ella Lonn, Desertion During the Civil War (New York and London: The Century 
Company, 1928), hereinafter cited as Lonn, Desertion During the Civil War. Also im- 
portant on desertion in the Confederate forces are Georgia Lee Tatum, Disloyalty in 
the Confederacy (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1934), herein- 
after cited as Tatum, Disloyalty in the Confederacy; Bessie Martin, Desertion of 
Alabama Troops from the Confederate Army; A Study in Sectionalism (New York: 
Columbia University Press; London: P. S. King and Son, Ltd., 1932), hereinafter 
cited as Martin, Desertion of Alabama Troops; Albert Burton Moore, ConscHption and 
Conflict in the Confederacy (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1924), hereinafter 
cited as Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy; Richard E. Yates, The 
Confederacy and Zeb Vance. Number 8 in Confederate Centennial Studies, editor-in- 
chief, William Stanley Hoole (Tuscaloosa, Alabama: Confederate Publishing Company 
[26 numbers], 1958), hereinafter cited as Yates, The Confederacy and Zeb Vance. 
' a Francis Butler Simkins, A History of the South (New York: A. A. Knopf, 1953), 

164 The North Carolina Historical Review 

reap the fruits of our victories and to invade the territory of the 
enemy." 3 His estimate was sadly confirmed two months later by Lee 
himself. When the first major attempt to invade the North came to 
frightful repulse on Antietam Creek, at Sharpsburg, Maryland, Lee 
told President Jefferson Davis that a vast number of his troops never 
crossed over into Maryland at all. Desertion and straggling deprived 
him of one-third to one-half of his effective force, he said, and "were 
the main causes of . . . retiring from Maryland." 

In the following summer Lee again wrote that "the number of 
desertions from the army is so great ... I fear success in the field will 
be seriously endangered." In September, 1864, President Davis told 
a Macon, Georgia, audience that two-thirds of the army was absent 
without leave, and that if half of these would return, victory would 
be within the Confederacy's grasp. 4 The warning went unheeded. Two 
months later Lee mourned that "desertion is increasing in the army 
notwithstanding all my efforts to stop it." In February, 1865, he de- 
clared that "hundreds of men are deserting nightly and I cannot keep 
the army together unless examples are made of such cases." In March 
he suspected that the disease was beyond remedy. "I do not know," 
he wrote Davis, "what can be done to put a stop to it." 5 

The testimony of the men in the ranks tells the same story. Con- 
federate deserters who were received inside Union lines were promptly 
interviewed, and frequently reported that countless other Confeder- 
ates were determined to run off at the first opportunity. Confederate 
troops also repeatedly wrote family and friends that great numbers 
of their comrades meant to run off when they saw a fair chance of 

3 R. N. Scott and Others (eds.), The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the 
Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D. C.: Government 
Printing Office, 70 volumes [127 books, atlases, and index], 1880-1901), Series IV, II, 7, 
hereinafter cited as Official Records. 

* Official Records, Series I, XIX, Part I, 143 ; Series I, XIX, Part II, 597, 605-606, 
622. Bell I. Wiley, The Life of Johnny Reb, The Common Soldier of the Confederacy 
(Indianapolis, Indiana, and New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1943), 143, here- 
inafter cited as Wiley, The Life of Johnny Reb. For Davis' Macon speech, see Dunbar 
Rowland (ed.), Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist, His Letters, Papers and Speeches 
(Jackson: Mississippi Department of Archives and History, 10 volumes, 1923), VI, 341- 
344. Weekly Standard (Raleigh), October 8, 1862, hereinafter cited as the Weekly 
Standard. The press gave extensive publicity to the explanation that the failure of the 
Maryland campaign was to be ascribed to desertion and straggling before and during 
the fateful engagement on Antietam Creek. It should, however, be pointed out, as Lee 
indicated in his official report on "Operations in Maryland" in 1862, that "the arduous 
service in which our troops had been engaged, their great privations of rest and food, 
and the long marches without shoes over mountain roads, had greatly reduced our ranks 
before the action began. These causes had compelled thousands of brave men to absent 
themselves, and many more had done so from unworthy motives. This great battle was 
fought by less than 40,000 men on our side, all of whom had undergone the greatest 
labors and hardships in the field and on the march." Official Records, Series I, XIX, 
Part I, 151. 

5 Official Records, Series I, XUI, Part III, 1,213; Series I, XLVI, Part II, 1,143, 
1,250; Lonn, Desertion During the Civil War, 28. 

Desertion in the Civil War 165 

success. Not a few wrote about their own plans to decamp, some- 
times asking about the sort of obstacles they might expect in their 
home communities. "At least half would desert if they had an oppor- 
tunity," declared one disheartened soldier. 6 

Statistics on Confederate desertion are even more elusive than are 
figures on enlistments, but the magnitude of the wastage is suggested 
by the War Department's estimates as of the end of June, 1863, that 
there were then 136,000 absent from the three Confederate armies 
of Lee, Braxton Bragg, and John C. Pemberton. 7 The figure takes on 
added meaning when it is recalled that the entire effective Confed- 
erate force at the decisive Battle of Gettysburg, July 1-3, 1863, was 
approximately 75,000. 

A table constructed from field returns demonstrates that the aggre- 
gate, both present and absent, on the muster rolls from December, 
1861, to the spring of 1865, was as low as 316,000 in mid-1864, and 
at no time exceeded 500,000, a peak attained in April, 1863. The 
percentage absent, with and without leave— more of them in the latter 
than in the former group— was at best 27 per cent (again, in early 
spring, 1863), and at worst 51 per cent, at the end of 1864. A rough 
estimate suggests that the average number of absentees without leave 
comprised one-fifth of the enlisted force before May, 1863, one-third 
in the latter part of 1863 and early 1864, and two-fifths in late 1864 
and early 1865. 8 General D. H. Hill was already saying in 1862 that 
willful absenteeism "was and still is the curse of our army." General 
P. G. T. Beauregard admitted before the close of the struggle that 
the disease was genuinely epidemic, and General J. G. Martin, com- 
manding the District of North Carolina, reported in the month before 
Appomattox that he had "nothing to report but disobedience of orders, 
neglect of duty, demoralization of the people, and desertion of both 
officers and men." 9 

Thirty years after the surrender, North Carolina's future chief jus- 
tice, Walter Clark, himself a veteran of the Thirty-fifth North Caro- 
lina Regiment, became Editor of the massive five-volume Histories of 
the North Carolina Regiments. The authors of that work's regimental 
histories made little or no reference to the deserter problem, but Clark 
candidly set down that "this evil became so great that . . . finally it 

8 Official Records, Series I, XLVI, Part II, 387 ; Series I, XXIV, Part III, 407. 

7 Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy, 202. See also, Lonn, Desertion 
During the Civil War, 21-37. 

8 Martin, Desertion of Alabama Troops, 26-33. 

Official Records, Series I, XI, Part I, 606; Series I, XLIX, Part I, 1,042; Series I, 
XLVII, Part III, 730. 

166 The North Carolina Historical Review 

overcame all bounds and together with the break down in the finances 
of the Confederacy was the cause of its overthrow." 10 

It may be instructive to note here the transformation in the attitude 
of soldiers and civilians toward desertion. In the spring of 1863, Gen- 
eral James J. Pettigrew wrote that "the great majority of my brigade 
would shoot a deserter as quick as they would a snake." But by mid- 
summer the Richmond government heard from a conscription official 
in South Carolina that "it is no longer a reproach to be known as a 
deserter"; and in March, 1865, General John S. Preston declared that 
there were then over 100,000 deserters scattered over the Confederacy, 
and that "so common is the crime, it has in popular estimation lost 
the stigma which justly pertains to it, and [deserters] are everywhere 
shielded by their families and by the sympathies of many communi- 
ties." n 

Perhaps the most candid explanation ever offered for the collapse 
of the will to fight was that of Governor Zebulon B. Vance. His 
opinion is doubly interesting when it is recalled that Vance's remark- 
able forty-year political career is uniformly ascribed to his uncanny 
rapport with the mass of North Carolina's people. 12 Idolized by his 
fellow citizens as no other public figure in North Carolina has ever 
been, the great War Governor, overwhelmingly re-elected as head of 
his State in the gloomy summer of 1864, consistently spoke his vigorous 
mind without fear or favor. A month after the proud vote of confi- 
dence his State had given him, he wrote his dearest friend that the 
Confederacy's army was thoroughly demoralized, and that William T. 
Sherman's forces encountered no considerable resistance anywhere 
from the people as they made their riotous way through Georgia and 
the Carolinas. The troops "are now deserting by the hundreds," he 

10 Walter Clark (ed.), Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North 
Carolina in the Great War, 1861-65 (Raleigh and Goldsboro: State of North Carolina, 
5 volumes, 1901), IV, 408, hereinafter cited as Clark, Histories of the North Carolina 

11 Official Records, Series I, LI, Part II, 713, 1,065; Series IV, II, 769. 

12 On Vance, as the beloved tribune of his people, see Allen Johnson, Dumas Malone, 
and Others (eds.), Dictionary of American Biography (New York: Charles Scribner's 
Sons, 22 volumes and index, 1928 — ), XIX, 158-160; Clement Dowd, Life of Zebulon B. 
Vance (Charlotte: Observer Printing and Publishing House, 1897); Frontis W. John- 
son, "Zebulon Baird Vance: A Personality Sketch," The North Carolina Historical 
Review, XXX (April, 1953), 178-190; A. Sellew Roberts, "The Peace Movement in 
North Carolina," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XI (September, 1924), 
190-199, hereinafter cited as Roberts, "Peace Movement in North Carolina"; Phillips 
Russell, "Hooraw for Vance!" American Mercury, XXII (February, 1931), 232-240; 
Richard E. Yates, "Zebulon B. Vance as War Governor of North Carolina, 1862-1865," 
The Journal of Southern History, III (February, 1937), 1-33; Yates, The Confederacy 
and Zeb Vance, passim. 

Desertion in the Civil War 167 

What does this show, my dear sir? It shows what I have always believed, 
that the great popular heart is not now & never has been in this war. It 
was a revolution of the politicians not the people ; it was fought at first by 
the natural enthusiasm assisted by that bitterness of feeling produced by 
the cruelties & brutalities of the enemy. 

Duty called me to resist to the uttermost the disruption of the Union ; duty 
calls me to stand by the new Union "to the last gasp of truth & loyalty." 
This is my consolation — The beginning was bad & I had no hand in it; 
should the end be bad I shall with Gods help be equally blameless. They 
shall never shake their gory locks at me & say that I did it ! 1S 

A first acquaintance with these truths is so shocking to most 
Americans, North and South, that popular historians have preferred 
to step around them with averted gaze, in favor of more romantic 
themes. Not only do such disclosures offend third-generation Confed- 
erates who are "more steeped in the Lost Cause than their ancestors 
were energetic in defending it"; 14 grandsons of Union soldiers are no 
less apt to deplore the tarnishing of the Confederate hero. 

The misgivings are, of course, absurd; for the hero is, after all, 
indestructible. To know him better is to increase, not to diminish, his 
stature. And a frank inquiry into the many and varied factors that 
produced despair and inconstancy in the beleaguered South renders 
all the more remarkable the fact that despair did not overtake many 
more soldiers and civilians, and far sooner. The heaped-up testimony 
on desertion from Confederate ranks may outrage the sensibilities 
of the summer chauvinist and the sunshine fire-eater, but a view of 
it from a proper perspective softens immeasurably the indictment 
against those who succumbed to the temptation, and reveals more 
clearly the heroic stature of those who continued steadfast. 

13 Zebulon B. Vance to David L. Swain, September 22, 1864, Zebulon B. Vance Papers, 
National Archives, Washington, D. C. The letter is cited by Yates, The Confederacy 
and Zeb Vance, 112-113, and reproduced at greater length, but somewhat inaccurately, 
in Cornelia Phillips Spencer, The Last Ninety Days of the War in North Carolina 
(New York: Watchman Publishing Company, 1866), 27-28. 

14 James W. Silver, Confederate Morale and Church Propaganda. Number 3 in Con- 
federate Centennial Studies, editor-in-chief William Stanley Hoole (Tuscaloosa, Ala- 
bama: Confederate Publishing Company [26 numbers], 1957), 7. "The legend of a 
united people who went down fighting as one man against overwhelming odds," says 
Silver, "simply could not stand serious investigation. In reality the Confederacy had 
collapsed from within. Its people had been divided from the start and as the 'short' 
summer war lengthened into weary years of fighting, Southerners lost their will to 
fight. Real unity in the South came only after Appomattox and Reconstruction, too, 
when those who were waging a desperate struggle against poverty and disease and 
hopelessness paused long enough to glance back at the 'good old days/ " 

Silver's candor, which parallels the judgment of professional historians at large, 
affords an instructive contrast to the exuberance of latter-day swashbucklers who, in 
crisp new uniforms which their tattered grandfathers would not have recognized, board 
air-conditioned excursion trains and ride forth to televised sham battles that prove 
more expensive, if less sanguinary, than the originals. 

168 The North Carolina Historical Review 

J Most accounts agree that North Carolina produced more runaways 
than did any of her sister States. One leading historian of the Con- 
federacy, himself a North Carolinian, writes that "almost twice as 
many soldiers from North Carolina deserted as those from any other 
state." 15 Another reports that when desertions thinned the ranks in 
the late spring of 1863, it was "striking as usual with greatest force 
in the North Carolina regiments." 16 Even commissioned officers, up 
to the rank of colonel, were among the fugitives. More than 1,000 
officers deserted from the Confederate forces, and, if one excepts from 
the computation the single State of Tennessee, which stood second 
with 15 per cent, North Carolina's share, accounting for 42 per cent 
of the total, almost equaled the number of officer-deserters from all 
of the other Confederate States combined. 17 

Confederate military and civilian authorities repeatedly declared 
that the North Carolina regiments were the chief offenders. General 
Hill, one of the two highest-ranking Confederate commanders that 
North Carolina produced, wrote the Richmond government in May, 
1863, that desertion was particularly excessive in his State. A month 
earlier Lee wrote James A. Seddon, the Secretary of War, of the "fre- 
quent desertions from the North Carolina regiments," and again on 
May 21, he wrote him that "desertion of the North Carolina troops 
from this army is becoming so serious an evil that ... I fear the 
troops from that State will become greatly reduced." A month after 
Gettysburg "Rebel War Clerk" Jones noted in his diary that huge 
numbers of deserters were abandoning Lee's army, "and they are 
mainly North Carolinians." 18 

Lee himself, as he mournfully witnessed the defection of the troops 
who idolized him, wrote General John D. Imboden in August, 1863, 
that "there is much desertion, I regret to say, from this army, princi- 
pally from the North Carolina troops. ... I begin to fear nothing but 
the death penalty, uniformly, inexorably administered, will stop it." 
Early in February, 1865, he wrote Governor Vance that "the divisions 

15 E. Merton Coulter, The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865. Volume VII of 
A History of the South, edited by Wendell Holmes Stephenson and E. Merton Coulter 
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press [projected 10 volumes, 1948 — ], 
1950), 464. 

16 Yates, The Confederacy and Zeb Vance, 48. 

, 17 Lonn, Desertion During the Civil War, 36. Officers who decamped sometimes entered 
the Union Army to serve at similar or higher rank. Captain Wallace Rollins of the 
Twenty-ninth North Carolina Regiment, for example, went over to the enemy and 
served as a major in Kirk's Regiment, operating in Western North Carolina and 
Eastern Tennessee. Clark, Histories of the North Carolina Regiments, II, 493. 

18 John B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: J. B. 
Lippincott and Company, 2 volumes, 1866), I, 325; II, 4, hereinafter cited as Jones, 
Rebel War Clerk's Diary; Official Records, Series I, XVIII, 998; Series I, XXV, 
Part 11,814-815. 

Desertion in the Civil War 169 

from which the greatest number of desertions have taken place are 
composed chiefly of troops from North Carolina"; and to the Secre- 
tary of War, J. C. Breckinridge, he wrote on the same day of the 
"alarming number of desertions that are now occurring in the army 
. . . chiefly from the North Carolina regiments," a circumstance that 
he attributed to the despondency and the peace sentiment on the 
North Carolina home front. Four days later he sent Breckinridge a 
summary of recent defections, saying, "I regret to say that the greatest 
number of desertions have occurred among the North Carolina troops, 
who have fought as gallantly as any soldiers in the army. . . . This 
defection in troops who have acted so nobly and borne so much is so 
distressing to me that I have thought proper to give you the par- 
ticulars." 19 

It is impossible to measure the volume of North Carolina deser- 
tions, 20 but the record documents an irregularly increasing flow, with 
spasmodic acceleration in the wake of military defeats or of hard 
campaigning. A protracted stint of short rations was sure to touch off 
an avalanche of escapes, and depressing news from the home front- 
ranging from crop failures or "peace meetings" to the depredations of 
skulkers and the exactions of Confederate taxgatherers— had much the 
same effect. The temptation to run was particularly strong in the 
summer when combat was most severe, heat was most oppressive, 
and prospects of making one's way home while subsisting on the coun- 
try were most favorable. Sometimes there were barely perceptible 
increases and decreases traceable both to Confederate government 
policy in combating desertion and to the federal government's efforts 
to entice "Johnny Reb" into Union lines. 

For the present study, the principal evidence attesting the ebb and 
flow of deserters consisted of newspaper advertisements; the corres- 
pondence of army headquarters, commanders in the field, the War 
Department, and Confederate and State executive offices; and per- 
sonal correspondence from troops in the field. Analysis of the deserter- 
advertisements in the newspapers as a method of effecting the return 
of renegades is reserved for another page in this study. For the present 

19 Official Records, Series I, XXIX, Part II, 651; Series I, XLVII, Part II, 1,270- 
1,271; Series I, XLVI, Part II, 1,254, 1,265. 

20 The following item is of more than passing interest : ". . . there were ten large 
bound volumes containing the names and records of deserters from this State . . . since 
the war all these volumes had mysteriously disappeared. One volume only has been 
recovered. ... In like manner just after the Revolution, a list was adopted by the 
Legislature of North Carolina of those tories whose names should be preserved as 
enemies of their country and copies were sent to the other States, but this list has not 
only been removed from our archives, but the copies have disappeared from the archives 
of all our sister States." Clark, Histories of the North Carolina Regiments, IV, 408. 

170 The North Carolina Historical Review 

a brief observation on their volume and general purport will suffice. 
Relatively few of the advertisements appeared in the State press in 
1861. 21 The notices, inserted by the captain of a company or the colonel 
of a regiment, in a newspaper circulating in the region in which the 
deserter lived, usually offered a reward of $30 for the detention of the 
miscreant. His name, company, regiment, and often the date and place 
of his enlistment, were set forth, and sometimes his physical appear- 
ance was described. The public was asked to effect the deserter's 
return to his regiment or to have him lodged in a local jail. 

In 1862 the quantity of these notices showed a marked increase. 
The form was much the same as those in the previous year except that 
a goodly number, instead of identifying one or two now were ad- 
dressed generally to "all absentees" of a particular outfit. Individual 
issues of a newspaper carried as many as three or four separate adver- 
tisements, some of them naming as many as 42 from a single company. 
Fairly typical examples list 66, 80, 125, and even as many as 188 from 
regiments whose full muster was considerably short of 1,000. In one 
case a regimental commander couched his advertisement, in a Wil- 
mington paper, in the form of a General Order, directing the "more 
than 200 enlisted men . . . absent without proper leave" to report back 
immediately. 22 Such notices continued to crowd the advertising col- 
umns through June, 1863, and then fell off sharply, 23 disappearing 
entirely in 1864, when the magnitude of desertion was so great and 
the results of earlier advertisements were so disappointing that the 
practice was abandoned. 

Testimony of the multiplication of runaways from the Tarheel regi- 
ments is especially voluminous in correspondence appearing in the 
Official Records dealing with Confederate and State efforts to arrest 

21 Examples are in the Fayetteville Observer (Semi-Weekly), June 24, August 1, 
1861; The Daily Journal (Wilmington), June 25, July 16, August 2, 1861, hereinafter 
cited as The Daily Journal; Weekly Standard (Raleigh), August 21, November 13, 20, 
1861, hereinafter cited as Weekly Standard; Semi-Weekly Standard (Raleigh), Sep- 
tember 7, 1861, hereinafter cited as Semi-Weekly Standard; Weekly State Journal 
(Raleigh), October 9, 1861, hereinafter cited as State Journal. 

22 For these and other examples in 1862, see Fayetteville Observer (Semi-Weekly), 
January 9, May 26, November 8, December 12, 1862: Weekly Standard, March 19, 
May 7, June 11, July 9, August 6, 27, September 17, October 22, 1862; Semi-Weekly 
Standard, May 3, 14, June 14, 25, July 16, 30, September 3. 24, October 1, 31, November 
4, 11, 1862; The Daily Bulletin (Charlotte), March 22, 1862, hereinafter cited as The 
Daily Bulletin; The Daily Journal, April 17, June 16, July 2, 9, 25, August 8, 9, 11, 
12, 18, September 24, 25, 1862; Fayetteville Observer, June 9, September 15, 22, 1862; 
The Greensborough Patriot, June 26, September 4, 18, 1862; Carolina Watchman, 
August 11, 1862. 

23 For advertisements published in 1863, see Semi-Weekly Standard, January 1, 20, 
23, February 24, March 3, June 30, July 3, 28, October 27, 1863; The Daily Journal, 
January 5, 21, February 23, 1863; The Daily Bulletin, January 5, 22, August 20, 1863; 
State Journal, March 13, 16, 1863; Fayetteville Observer (Semi- Weekly), April 2, 
December 28, 1863. 

Desertion in the Civil War 171 

and punish deserters, to induce them to return, to cheer the wavering, 
to neutralize despondency, and to protect the civilian population from 
the plundering recusants who were lying out in the hills and forest. 24 
Far more numerous were dispatches by commanders of corps, brigades, 
regiments, and companies, reporting such losses, 25 and communiques 
of Union commanders to their headquarters to report the countless 
arrivals of Confederate deserters into their lines. 26 In 1862, such com- 
munications were fairly numerous, but after the spring of 1863, they 
reached flood stage. 

The causes of desertion were more numerous and diverse than may 
at first appear. The historian has at his disposal thousands of letters 
written by troops in the ranks, many of which all too clearly explain 
actual and potential flights from duty. 27 The Official Records contain 
many hundreds of dispatches by Federal commanders in which data 
drawn from interviews with rebel defectors were transmitted to Union 
headquarters. The same collection supplies many letters of Confed- 
erate military commanders and of Confederate and State civilian offi- 
cials in which they discuss the causes of willful absenteeism, and 
evasion. The contemporary press hazarded similar diagnoses. Finally, 
the historian has, from these and similar sources, an abundantly de- 
tailed picture of conditions in camp and field as well as behind the 

81 Examples may be found in the Official Records, Series I, XVIII, 821-822, 855, 860- 
861, 928, 998: Series I, XXVII, Part III, 1,052; Series I, XXIX, Part II, 676, 729, 740; 
Series I, XLII, Part II, 1,235; Series I, XLVI, Part II, 1,143; Series I, XLVII, Part 
II, 1,270-1,271, 1,296, 1,353-1,354; Series I, XLI, Part II, 689, 706-708, 709, 712- 
713, 714-716, 1,038, 1,065. 

25 For a sampling of such items, relating particularly to North Carolina deserters, see 
Official Records, Series I, IX, 293; Series I, XI, Part II, 892; Series I, XVIII, 165-166, 
1,052, 1,066, 1089; Series I, XXIII, Part II, 914-915, 950; Series I, XXV, Part II, 
746-747, 812, 814-815; Series I, XXVII, Part III, 870, 1,052; Series I, XXVIII, Part II, 
449; Series I, XXIX, Part II, 651; Series I, XLVI, Part II, 1,265; Series I, XLVII, 
Part II, 1,406; Series I, XLVII, Part III, 707; Series I, XLIX, Part I, 1,034-1,035. 

26 Full data concerning this kind of desertion by North Carolina soldiers may be 
drawn from the following: Official Records, Series I, XVIII, Part I, 587, 669; Series 
I, XIX, Part II, 516; Series I, XXV, Part II, 518; Series I, XXVII, Part III, 39; 
Series I, XXIX, Part II, 114, 249, 454, 593; Series I, XXX, Part I, 748; Series I, 
XXXIII, Part I, 53, 56; Series I, XXXVI, Part II, 842; Series I, XXXVI, Part III, 
677, 725-726; Series I, XL, Part II, 336, 563, 570; Series I, XL, Part III, 37, 97, 293, 
301, 362, 375; Series I, XLII, Part II, 50, 318, 327, 420, 658, 718, 789, 796, 806, 855- 
856, 867, 881, 922, 965, 971, 984, 998, 1,042, 1,048, 1,055, 1,065, 1,116, 1,123; Series I, 
XLII, Part III, 37, 86, 91, 96, 103, 106, 120, 134, 144, 158, 177, 198, 230, 255, 258, 305, 
318-319, 350, 375, 440, 479, 487, 508, 510, 511, 530, 536, 543, 548, 576, 597, 613, 618, 
632-633, 659, 663, 666, 673, 691, 700, 749, 755, 767, 773, 785, 797, 845, 908, 933; Series I, 
XLVI, Part II, 202, 264, 272, 463, 531, 568, 614, 639, 659, 720, 732, 810, 858, 927, 937, 
938, 1,238; Series I, XLVI, Part III, 19, 20, 53, 76, 90, 184, 204, 263, 289, 373, 374. 

27 The Civil War scholar who is interested in these prime sources has access to one 
of the richest accumulations of Civil War letters and diaries to be found anywhere, in 
the combined repositories of the Southern Historical Collection, University of North 
Carolina at Chapel Hill; the Duke Manuscript Collection, Duke University, Durham; 
and the manuscript collection of the State Department of Archives and History, 
Raleigh. These depositories will hereinafter be cited as the Southern Historical Col- 
lection, Duke Manuscript Collection, and State Department of Archives and History. 

172 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lines, which afford a dependable insight into the attrition under which 
the troops suffered. 

This ample record shows that while some causes operated almost 
uniformly in regiments from all the Confederate States, some struck 
with unequal force at troops from particular sections, others bore with 
unusual intensity upon North Carolinians, and some were virtually 
peculiar to soldiers from that State. Letters and diaries of the troops 
and their families reveal yet another dimension in the problem of 
weighing the causes of flight from the ranks. There was, the historian 
senses, an immensely complicated interplay of forces that went into 
the lonely calculation as the individual soldier was pulled and hauled 
by competing impulses. As always, fate dealt unequal cards to equal 
men, and, what is no less inequitable, dealt equal cards to unequal 
men. It is one thing to catalog the hardships that burdened the army 
as a whole; but it is quite another thing to pass judgment upon a 
particular soldier whose resolution broke under the strain. 

It may well be doubted that even the most careful and resourceful 
historian will ever fully explain the goads that finally prodded any 
single soldier over the line— to say nothing of the thousands who aban- 
doned the Confederacy's colors. One wonders whether, in after years, 
he was ever able to explain it to himself. What finally induced him, 
just before dawn, to cross over from the lonely picket line to the 
enemy's outposts? Or to detach himself, at some convenient ford or 
mountain pass, from a marching column, as it was being hurried to 
combat on a blazing afternoon? Or to permit himself in the boisterous 
confusion of battle to slip to the rear and into the woods, or to fall 
willingly into a captors' hands? 

Some soldiers, either by individual temperament, inheritance, ex- 
perience, or biological predisposition, could bear up better than their 
fellows under the strain of hunger, nakedness, cold, and rain. So un- 
evenly are men constituted that forbearance by some men under lesser 
trials may be greater heroism than the enduring of more grievous 
burdens would be in other men. Some could sleep better than others, 
and some who slept ill were far less affected by the deprivation than 
were others who suffered from the same infirmity. Of those who en- 
tered the ranks in robust health, some retained their strength through- 
out the War; others, worn down by disease, wounds, undernourish- 
ment, anxiety and exhaustion, felt their vitality ebb until they could 
scarcely drag themselves to the line of march when the long roll 
sounded. Still others were far gone in physical decay when they en- 
tered the service. 

Desertion in the Civil War 173 

Another significant variable was the individual soldiers understand- 
ing and evaluation of the War's issues. A heart-whole dedication to 
the "Cause" could steel a weary trooper against his hardship, while 
his comrade who did not, or could not, in full sincerity, share such 
faith in the worth of his sacrifices, was seriously handicapped without 
this crucial advantage. Not only did morale rise and fall with a 
soldier's physical and mental health and well-being; there were the 
further factors of time and coincidence. Of two soldiers of equal 
mettle, one might suffer exposure to a series of shocks and depriva- 
tions in sequence, and withstand them, each in its turn; while upon 
the other the whole series descended at once with more disastrous 
consequences. The mood of despair might capture one soldier when 
no avenue of escape was offered; in another, who stumbled upon a 
wide-open door and yielded to an unpremeditated impulse to use it, 
defection was far less a function of calculated disloyalty than of pro- 
pinquity. Some soldiers attached more importance than did others to 
the good opinion of kinsmen, neighbors, and fellow soldiers and were 
thus held in ranks. Some whose families begged them to come home 
were subjected to a fearful pressure from which their messmates were 
wholly exempt. Even the economic, social, and regional backgrounds 
of a soldier could strongly predispose and prejudice his loyalties. 
Compulsory military service, moreover, drew into the net persons of 
foreign or of northern birth and others whose zeal for southern 
independence was weak; and still others came from politically under- 
represented and socially and economically disadvantaged communi- 
ties, whose hostility to more fortunate sections dampened their en- 
thusiasm for any cause identified with the better-favored classes in 
the counties near the seaboard. 

Some homesick privates, it may be presumed, were more deeply 
attached to wives and children, or to parents, or sweethearts than were 
others, or had relatives more dependent upon them for their liveli- 
hood than had their fellows. To a soldier with a wife and a houseful 
of little children on a precariously marginal farm, a full year's arrear- 
age in the pitiful army pay was a far sharper prod to return to his 
home than it was for a less encumbered young private. Some pious 
soldiers missed religious services more sorely, and suffered more pain- 
fully than did others from the soul-blasting wickedness that offended 
their eyes and ears at every turn. 

Yet another burden that fell unequally upon harassed men in the 
ranks was alarming news from home. For some soldiers it was an 
advantage that their families were too illiterate to write of their 

174 The North Carolina Historical Review 

own distresses. Others were fortunate in the relative safety of their 
kinsmen. But still others were in an agony of fear for wives, children, 
and parents exposed to possible molestation, and left in direst poverty 
in areas suffering from invasion, from enemy occupation, from 
armed bands of looting deserters and recusant conscripts, and even 
the plundering of Confederate cavalry, all of which took a fearful toll 
in crops, household goods, livestock, firewood, and fences. The di- 
lemma indeed forced upon the distracted soldier the cruel choice of 
one kind of desertion or another— desertion from his imperiled flag 
or from his no less imperiled family. A desperate break for home by 
such soldiers is hardly to be weighed in the same balance as the 
absconsion of a soldier untroubled by such anxieties. Some, no less 
steadfast at heart than their comrades, sensed more accurately the 
danger they faced or foresaw more clearly that the cause was lost, 
precisely because of their keener intelligence, or more accurate sensi- 
bilities, or their greater information. And even within that group, 
there were those less disposed than others to co-operate with the 
inevitable, for reasons that cannot be guessed. 

The individualized slings and arrows that could pierce the armor 
of a wearied will were endless and infinitely various, but enough has 
been said to caution the unwary against oversimplified explanation. 
Among objective causes of desertion, apart from precise individual 
reactions to them, the most obvious was the determination to flee the 
physical and spiritual hardships that bedeviled the man in the ranks. 28 
To begin with, there was an appalling shortage of such items as 
shoes, 29 shirts, trousers, coats, and blankets. In some cases this equip- 
ment was never issued, or it wore out, was lost or discarded on the 
march in mid-campaign, and only tardily, if ever, replaced. Army 

28 Much the best treatment of this theme is in Wiley, The Life of Johnny Reb. 

29 "A great many of the soldiers in Our regt have been bare foot and half in our 
company until yesterdy ... it is very cool to be steping about in the Ice these mornings 
my shoes has nearly give out and no time to mend them." James C. Zimmerman to his 
wife, October 27, 1863, James C. Zimmerman Papers, Duke Manuscript Collection, 
hereinafter cited as Zimmerman Papers. Another soldier said of his regiment that there 
were "a great many barefooted their feet bleedin from the rocks . . . the ground covered 
with snow." John A. McDowell to Thomas McDowell, November 13, 1862, Thomas D. 
McDowell Papers, Southern Historical Collection. Lieutenant Colonel Samuel H. 
Walkup, of the Forty-eighth North Carolina Regiment, recorded in his diary that there 
was "much falling out, particularly by the barefooted men, about one fifth of the 
Regt one whole company G Capt & all fell out except one man & he shoeless." Diary of 
Samuel H. Walkup, February 21, 1862, Southern Historical Collection. General Bryan 
Grimes wrote his wife that there were at least 200 barefooted men in his command, 
and that "the poor fellows are in rags and tatters, but few having tents." Bryan Grimes 
to his wife, September 10, 1864, Bryan Grimes Papers, State Department of Archives 
and History. Like so many other regiments at Sharpsburg, the Twenty-third had a 
large number of men who were "barefoot and absolutely unable to keep up in the 
forced marches over rough and stony roads." Clark, Histories of the North Carolina 
Regiments, II, 222-223. 

Desertion in the Civil War 175 

pay— small enough in all conscience, especially for men whose families 
looked to it for a bare subsistence— was as much as a year or more in 
arrears. 30 Shelter, in most instances, was totally wanting, so that men 
lived and slept during most of the year like animals under the open 
sky. The men lay on the bare ground even during a pelting all-night 
rain, with nothing for cover except, if one were lucky, a sodden blanket 
or an oilcloth. 

It was the shortage of food that was most often mentioned in the 
soldiers' letters. Rations hovered for long periods at starvation levels. 
"There is some leaving nearly every day," wrote one Tarheel private 
from Camp Gregg, Virginia, in the spring of 1864. "I don't know why 
it is that so many is leaving," he added "unless it is Short Rations." 
Another in the trenches before Petersburg, wrote in December, 1864, 
to his brother in another regiment, "Sum of the boys is going to the 
Yanks ocasionaly and I think oald Jef had beter giv his boys moar to 
eat or their will be moar of thim going plase from tha way tha talk 
We get a pound of loaf bread and a half a pound of beef and to day 
their was nun com." 31 

More gloomy were the frequent letters of Private Virgil Cavin to 
his parents in Alexander City, North Carolina, also written from 
Petersburg. In late 1864 and early 1865 the dominant theme of his 
letters, when near-starvation had sapped his will, was his indecision 
about deserting. On January 13, 1865, he wrote " I dont think I can 
stay here and Starve wee dont get a half a nuff to eat. ... I ant agoing 
to stay here more than tow or three more weekes I will go some way 
or other I cant Stay here this away." Two weeks later he repeated 
"I cant Stay here and starve the way I have to do I get a pint of 
meal a day I cant stay here the is a croud of us a going to come home." 
On March 19 he was still in the trenches, but not from choice. "I dont 
no what to do," he said. "I hate to Stay here and Starve and I hate to 
go to the yanks I hant got much chance the wach [they watch] us 
So close that wee hant no chance . . . [but] the average from 8 to 10 
men every night the cross the lines." 32 

Some troops who had served and suffered steadfastly for three or 

80 At one time some North Carolina regiments had not been paid for 15 months. 
Official Records, Series I, XLIX, Part I, 1,034-1,035. 

31 Daniel McMillan to Mr. Holder, April 23, 1863, Alexander McMillan Papers, Duke 
Manuscript Collection; G. W. Love to S. E. Love, December 20, 1864, Matthew N. Love 
Papers, Duke Manuscript Collection. General Lee, in explaining a rush of desertions in 
January, 1865, thought that "insufficiency of food and non-payment of the troops have 
more to do with [it] than anything else. All commanding officers concur in this 
opinion." Official Records, Series I, XLVI, Part II, 1,143. 

"These and several other letters by this despondent infantryman are in the Virgil S. 
Cavin Papers, Duke Manuscript Collection, hereinafter cited as Virgil S. Cavin Papers. 

176 The North Carolina Historical Review 

four years felt that they had earned retirement, and quietly took to 
the hills. Some finally left because they were galled by their failure 
to rise from the ranks while others less deserving, but more fortunate 
in their connections or more ingratiating in manner, moved up the 
commissioned grades. In the early months impatient young volunteers 
who had been hurried to Virginia indignantly decamped when they 
found that instead of being rushed into dashing sallies against the 
enemy, they were only assigned to holding him at bay by digging 
trenches and throwing up earthworks. Two or three years later, es- 
pecially in the winter when the regiments lay idly in quarters, a mere 
day or two from home, jaded veterans who had fought bravely enough 
in the spring and summer campaigns could see no reason to be denied 
furloughs, so long as there was nothing to do, so they took leave on 
their own account, and in all too many instances never came back. 

Still more productive of discontent was the persistent suspicion 
that this was a rich man's war and a poor man's fight. "Rebel War 
Clerk" Jones summed up the mood of a vast segment of the army in 
his conclusion that "the people of wealth who had most at stake were 
more and more allowing the burden of war to be carried by the very 
people who were least able to carry it and who would benefit least 
from success." 33 

83 Cited in Frank L. Owsley, "Defeatism in the Confederacy," The North Carolina 
Historical Review, III (July, 1926), 446-456. See also, Tatum, Disloyalty in the Con- 
federacy, 13-20; Martin, Desertion of Alabama Troops, Chapter IV, passim; Lonn, 
Desertion During the Civil War, 14-15. General D. H. Hill writing Governor Zebulon B. 
Vance early in 1863, in his usual salty manner, blamed the mounting desertion on "the 
wicked teaching of our newspapers and the still more wicked exemption bill" by which 
persons of means enjoyed immunity from military service while the enrolling officer 
reached out for nearly every poor man in North Carolina. "Ignorant men cannot but 
be dissatisfied when they are taught that their Government has wronged them & their 
state & when they see the capitalist, the extortioner & the foreigner kept out of 
service by this bill of abominations." Hill insisted that the exempt was more despicable 
than the deserter, "especially that exempt who was breathing nothing threatening 
& [sic"\ slaughter before the war & now contents himself with military criticism in his 
parlor at home, or still worse in making a fortune upon the miseries of the country." 
D. H. Hill to Zebulon B. Vance, April 26, 1863, Zebulon B. Vance Papers, State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History, hereinafter cited as Zebulon B. Vance Papers. 

In July, Private Zimmerman wrote from near "Matison Courthouse," Virginia, to his 
wife in Forsyth County, North Carolina, painting a pitiful picture of his broken 
health, hard marches, dwindling rations, and the mounting desertions from his brigade, 
"it is no wonder you see and here tell of so many comeing home the way they are 
treeted here a man can eat all he gets for a days rashions at one meal they wont send 
one off to the hopittle until there is no chance for them to get well. . . . they would 
not send off four or five in our company until it was two late they died at the hospittle 
directly they got there." Three days later he wrote again, from near Orange Court 
House. "I have become verry poor and weak. I dont look like I did when I as at home 
last. ... I always had good hops of whiping the Yankees until now but I have become 
disharten and now say we are whiped no country can gain her indipendance when 
there is so many speculaters grasping and grabing at what little the poor women have 
to spair to get cotton and other things they are helping more to whip us than the 
Yankes." In October he frankly discussed the prospects for deserting. "I cannot think 
any of my neighbors would molest me if I was to come and stay a short time and return 
again to the army I make no calculation of ever seeing peace any more if I should 

Desertion in the Civil War 177 

One surprising cause of disaffection was a fear that the Confederacy 
was dedicated to "Negro equality." When, as one means of filling up 
the depleted regiments, Negro conscription was proposed, one out- 
raged soldier from the Twenty-seventh North Carolina Regiment 
wrote his parents in Jones County that he and his comrades would 
not "submit to such wrongs, & there is but one way they can escape 
such wrongs & that is to desert wich they are doing every night. . . . 
Mother I did not volunteer my services to fight for a free negroes 
country but to fight for A free white mans free country & I do not 
think I love my country well enough to fight with black soldiers." 34 

Officers ascribed the inconstancy of their men to the fact that 
many were illiterate rustics, too ignorant and unintelligent to under- 
stand their military obligations. Totally mystified by rules of discipline 
and the Articles of War, they had little understanding of the gravity 
of their offense, 35 and were easily misled by rumor, peace-propagan- 
dists, and the pleas of their families, who had no more conception of 
the issues than they. All they knew was that they had fallen upon very 
hard times since the fighting began. 

That a large proportion of conscripts took early leave is in part 
explained by the low opinion of them expressed by volunteers. The 
judgment was often unjust. The volunteer was himself, often enough, 
in ranks only because the draft gave him no real alternative, whereas 
many draftees had waited until the enrolling officer claimed them 
only because circumstances at home were so exigent that they too 
took Hobson's choice in tarrying as long as possible. Some early volun- 
teers in fact proved less steadfast than did many a conscript. Young 
hotspurs rushed to the colors in April and May, 1861, in the expecta- 
tion that they were to take a brief and glorious part in a triumphant 
little war, and when that illusion proved false, lost their zeal. Some 
indeed quit after First Manassas, believing that it was all over, or 
that they, at least, had done their share. 

live to be as old again as I am and nowhow as long as a part can stay at home and 
hunt up and compel the other part to remain in survice If you will show me a man 
that is trying to compel soldiers to stay in the army he is a speculator or a slave- 
holder or has a interest in slaves and Jef Davis and Old Aabe cannot make peace on 
no turmes to soot them. If this ware ends and we all get home there will be more 
blood spilt than Co D has lost yet every man must beare his part eather here or at 
home." James C. Zimmerman to his wife, July 30, August 2, October 21, 1863, Zimmer- 
man Papers. 

84 J. Francis Maides to his mother, February 18, 1865, James F. Maides Papers, 
Duke Manuscript Collection. 

( * Peter Mallett, the State's Commandant of Conscripts and of the Camp of Instruc- 
tion at Raleigh, wrote that the large number of deserters and draft dodgers abroad in 
North Carolina in the summer of 1862 were avoiding duty not for "the purpose of 
evading the law or in opposition to the Government, but from ignorance chiefly." Peter 
Mallett to George W. Randolph, August 6, 1862, Mallett Letterbook, Peter Mallett 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 

178 The North Carolina Historical Review 


A fearful strain upon the loyalty of the troops was caused by despair- 
ing letters from home. One distracted wife wrote her husband in 
December, 1864, of the suffering of their children and concluded by 
saying, "I don't want you to stop fighting them Yankees . . . but try 
and get off and come home and fix us all up some and then you can 
go back . . . my dear, if you put off a-coming, ? twont be no use to come, 
for well all hands of us be out there in the garden in the old grave 
yard with your ma and mine." 36 A North Carolina farm wife wrote her 
husband, "I would not have you do anything wrong for the world, 
but before God, Edward, unless you come home, we must die. Last 
night I was aroused by little Eddie's crying . . . 'O, mama, I am so 
hungry!' . . . your darling Lucy is growing thinner every day." 3T 

In May, 1863, General James Johnston Pettigrew and Colonel 
Thomas C. Singletary sent Governor Vance two batches of such let- 
ters addressed to North Carolina troops in their command, adding that 
"men from our State are deserting every day." Blaming the desertions 
on homefront despondency, communicated to the troops in letters like 
the ones he enclosed, he explained: 

A certain class of soldiers is influenced by this condition of public opinion. 
They are told as you see by the letters, that they can desert with impunity ; 
that the militia officers will not do their duty ; that they can band together 
and defy the officers of the law. ... If the rascals went to work at home, 
one could understand the sympathy they meet with, but it is a notorious 
fact that they give themselves up to idleness and thieving, thus inflicting 
double injury upon their country. 38 

In January, 1865, a Fayetteville paper received from a soldier in 
the Fifth North Carolina Cavalry a letter written by a distracted farm 
wife to her husband. She pleaded with him to come home and "lie 
in the bushes," repeating the entreaty 18 times in six semiliterate 
pages full of references to the soldier's children and to the advice and 

38 Martin, Desertion of Alabama Troops, 148. 

87 John W. Moore, History of North Carolina (Raleigh: A. Williams and Company, 
2 volumes, 1880), II, 237-238. Also quoted in Martin, Desertion of Alabama Troops, 
148; Yates, The Confederacy and Zeb Vance, 43-44; Lonn, Desertion During the Civil 
War, 13. 

Family letters urging soldiers to run off usually begged them to come home, but one 
North Carolinian wrote his brother in the ranks "there is a great many men leaveing 
the Arma at this time and I am very glad to see them comeing home but if you have 
any notion of leaveing the arma I would like very mutch to see you comeing home you 
could get home very easy if you would only start but still I would advise you if you 
want to leave the war to go to the other side whear you can get plenty and not stay in 
this one horse barefooted naked and famine stricken Southern Confederacy for we 
have come to very near naught . . . evry person or very near say the Southern 
Confederecy is bound to die and if it would I would not cry." Jere Smith to Isaac 
Smith, January 6, 1863, cited in Yates, The Confederacy and Zeb Vance, 43. 

88 Official Records, Series I, LI, Part II, 712-713. 

Desertion in the Civil War 179 

pleas of his father, and promising to provide him with a "den" and 
arrangements for his visiting her at night. His brother had deserted 
and was now at home, she went on, and she and his father pledged to 
feed him as long as provisions were to be had, assuring him that while 
he was hiding out he would "not be hunted for there is no one to 
hunt." 39 

The hardships of campaigning and combat also took a heavy toll. 
Exposure to heat and cold, rain and mud, filth and vermin, incredibly 
hard marches, hunger and thirst, at just the time when the ordeal of 
battle strained their utmost reserves of strength and resolution, at last 
broke down even some of the stoutest fighters. The perfectly normal 
fear of combat was especially unnerving for those who were thrown 
into heavy fighting mere days after their induction, and for those 
who were hurried from one battle to another before they had recovered 
their balance. The frightful casualty rate— and not infrequently it 
was their own brothers and dearest companions who were killed or 
wounded before their eyes— eroded the will of not a few, as did battle 
defeats, and the fear of fear itself. Many a soldier was distracted by 
worry that he might "turn coward" in the next engagement. Their 
letters also speak of dreams haunted by an indecision about desertion 
which the day-time conscious mind would not permit to come to the 
surface. 40 It is difficult to determine at what point honest battle fatigue 
shaded off into disloyal defeatism, but nothing is easier to document 
than the prevalence of war weariness and the strain it placed upon the 
soldier's resolve to keep in ranks. Hundreds of letters from North 
Carolina soldiers now reposing in libraries of the State bear pitiful 
witness to its incidence. Ella Lonn reports that 

. . . mail bags captured by the United States officers "showed already in 
1863 that letters of Southern soldiers breathed but one sentiment — weari- 

39 Fayetteville Observer (Semi-Weekly), February 16, 1865. General Lee was deeply 
concerned about the despondency of the homefront and its effect upon the army. Writing 
of desertions from North Carolina units, he said "It seems that the men are very 
much influenced by the representations of their friends at home, who appear to have 
become very despondent as to our success. They think the cause desperate and write 
to the soldiers, advising them to take care of themselves, assuring them that if they 
will return home the bands of deserters so far ounumber the home guards that they 
will be in no danger of arrest." Official Records, Series I, XLVI, Part II, 1,254. See 
also, Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part II, 1,270-1,271. 

40 David Thompson, a private in Company G, Twenty-seventh North Carolina Regi- 
ment, wrote his sister from Winder Hospital in Richmond where he was convalescing, 
"I must tell you a dream I had last night. I thought I was at home & you & I wanted 
to go some whare in a buggy & Pappy to prevent us from going cut every horses 
throat on the plantation I thought he told me he was going to have me arrested for a 
deserter." David Thompson to his sister Mary, November 20, 1863, Frank Nash 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection. Thompson, a Cedar Grove, Orange County, farm 
boy, was nineteen years old when he enlisted in June, 1861, and served faithfully 
throughout the War. 

180 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ness of the war. Soldiers saw, despite desperate and heroic efforts, defeat 
everywhere, saw their toils and sufferings unproductive against apparently 
inexhaustible numbers." 41 

High on the list of complaints by defectors was their failure to get 
furloughs. Confederate authorities were reluctant to reduce the wasted 
ranks still further, especially since bitter experience proved that the 
furloughed soldier too often yielded to the temptation to extend his 
leave until it dragged on into downright desertion. Governor Vance 
wrote that many left because, contrary to promise, they had not been 
assigned to the regiment of their choice, and some offered the sur- 
prising excuse that they had entered the forces to defend their com- 
munities only. Also heard was the argument that a man who volun- 
teered never lost his right to leave the ranks voluntarily, much as ( some 
slyly hinted) a State that had voluntarily entered the Union could 
voluntarily withdraw. 42 

41 Lonn, Desertion During the Civil War, 18. See also, Official Records, Series I, LXI, 
Part III, 145. For samples of expressions of war weariness and its toll on morale 
among North Carolina regiments, see: letters of James C. Zimmerman, Zimmerman 
Papers; letters of Virgil Cavin, Virgil S. Cavin Papers; Nat Raymer to E. B. Drake, 
March 30, 1863, Zebulon B. Vance Papers; James H. Baker to his Mother and Father, 
February 1, 1865, James H. Baker Papers, Duke Manuscript Collection; Charles W. 
Fulk to B. W. Pulliam, August 13, 1863, and S. M. Goff to B. W. Pulliam, February 
9, 1863, Solomon Hilary Helsabeck Papers, Southern Historical Collection; Diary of 
J. E. Green, August 11, 1863, State Department of Archives and History; Wade 
Hubbard to his wife, October 16, 1864, Wade Hubbard Papers, Duke Manuscript Col- 
lection; A. M. Johnson to Governor Vance, January 30, 1865, Zebulon B. Vance Papers; 
Frank Mills to his brother, January 6, 1865, Amanda E. Mills Papers, Duke Manuscript 
Collection, hereinafter cited as Amanda E. Mills Papers; J. K. Wilkerson to his 
mother, December 29, 1864, J. K. Wilkerson Papers, Duke Manuscript Collection; John 
Fair to his mother, January 16, 1862, A. E. Henderson Papers, Duke Manuscript 
Collection; William Newant (Stewart?) to his father, June 11, 1862, Bryan Tyson 
Papers, Duke Manuscript Collection. 

42 Governor Vance wrote the President in the spring of 1863 that in addition to 
arresting and returning deserters it was important to attack the causes of defection. 
He insisted, with characteristic overstatement, "I do not believe that one case in a 
hundred is caused by disloyalty. . . . Homesickness, fatigue, hard fare, &c, have, of 
course, much to do with it." A "principal cause," he said, was the unredeemed promise 
of furloughs. "They invariably offer this excuse when arrested." He was convinced 
that another "great cause" among conscripts was "that they were refused permission 
to enter the regiments of their choice with their neighbors and relations. Large num- 
bers actually threaten to desert before they leave camp, and generally make good their 
threats." Official Records, Series I, LI, Part II, 709-710. 

Legislation by the Confederate Congress had, in fact, promised liberal furloughs 
and the pledge was not fulfilled. An act of December, 1861, intended to encourage 
the re-enlistment of 12-month volunteers, promised such men 60-day furloughs, 
bounties, and the privilege of re-organizing themselves into companies, with officers 
of their own election. James M. Matthews (ed.), Statutes at Large of the Provisional 
Government of the Confederate States of America (Richmond, Virginia: R. M. Smith, 
[printer to Congress], 1864), 223. Four months later the first conscription act stipu- 
lated that men already in the service, who were now retained by the new principle of 
compulsory service for men between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five, were to be 
awarded 60-day furloughs unless they had already had them under the previous law. 
James Matthews (ed.), Public Laws of the Confederate States of America, Passed at 
the First Session of the First Congress; 1862. (Richmond, Virginia: R. M. Smith, 
[printer to Congress], 1862), 30. 

The Standard, itself accused of fomenting desertion by preaching disloyalty and a 

Desertion in the Civil War 181 

Occasionally desertion could be traced to friction between private 
and officer. The native "techiness" that characterized the uncompli- 
cated southern yeoman bred insubordination, 43 a tendency which the 
lax discipline that marked the Confederate forces, or exactions of an 
occasional petty tyrant in shoulder straps, did little to inhibit. Once 
begun, the evil was cumulative; every deserter who went unpunished 
—and all but a tiny minority of them did— was an argument against 
putting up any longer with suffering and deprivations. 44 

Hardship and despair on the homefront had a disastrous impact 
on the allegiance of the troops. It was a call to return home and look 
to the immediate relief of their beleaguered loved ones; it sowed doubts 
of the wisdom of secession and war; especially when the hardships 
were traceable to profiteers, it was further proof that it was a rich 
man's war; it was the ground for a smoldering resentment against 
the Confederate government that sometimes exceeded the soldier's 
hatred for the Lincoln regime. Especially productive of hostility to 
Richmond were the taxes in kind and the impressment laws that 
seemed to bear with unequal weight upon the rural poor; the con- 
script system— especially the exemption and substitute provisions— and 
other evidences of centralized authority and "military despotism"; the 
deterioration of Confederate currency and the demoralization of prices 
under the twin pressures of shortages and profiteering; and the belief 
that a soldier's home State was more discriminated against by the 
Richmond government than were any others. 

negotiated peace, retorted in August, 1863, that desertions long antedated the so- 
called "peace movement"; that the real cause of mass desertion was to be sought in 
the Gettysburg disaster and in the failure of the Confederate government to live up to 
its promises in the matter of furloughs, plus the notion that the army must fight on 
until exterminated rather than consider any plan to negotiate an honorable peace. 
Semi-Weekly Standard, August 18, 1863. 

"See, on this point, Wilbur J. Cash, The Mind of the South (New York: A. A. 
Knopf, 1941), 4-58, and David Donald, "The Confederate as a Fighting Man," The 
Journal of Southern History, XXV (May, 1959), 180. 

44 Lonn, Desertion During the Civil War, 17. General Lee was keenly alert to this 
consideration. "Great dissatisfaction is reported among the good men of this army 
at the apparent impunity of deserters," he wrote Davis in August, 1863. Official 
Records, Series I, XXIX, Part II, 650. In February, 1865, he expressed to the Secretary 
of War his deep anxiety over the huge defections of North Carolina troops who were 
hiding out with scant danger of arrest. He concluded that "these desertions have a very 
bad effect upon the troops who remain and give rise to painful apprehensions." 
Official Records, Series I, XLVI, Part II, 1,254. 

A soldier in the Twenty-sixth North Carolina Regiment made the same point in a 
letter to his local newspaper in 1862. A private had deserted from Company H seven 
months ago, he said, and had been advertised in the local press. But far from being 
arrested by the county's sheriff, militia, or private citizens, he was permitted to run 
at large while the advertisement was appearing. The result was that the men in the 
deserter's outfit began to think lightly of the offense, and four more ran off. Mean- 
while, troops sent home on deserter-hunting service reported that "they could get no 
assistance, or information from any one about them," and all the while the men who 
remained in the ranks had to endure the knowledge that their communities were being 
plundered and terrorized by such recusants. Fayetteville Observer, September 22, 1862. 

182 The North Carolina Historical Review 


Some grievances were more keenly felt in North Carolina than else- 
where, and there were some causes of desertion that were almost 
unique to that State. One North Carolinian, who as a boy had lived 
in the deserter territory and had mingled freely with disloyal soldiers 
and civilians, pointed out in a remarkable piece in the Atlantic Monthly 
in 1891 that the same circumstances that had made North Carolina "at 
once the most loyal and disloyal state on both sides" during the 
American Revolution placed her again in the same "anomalous" posi- 
tion in 1861-1865, "sending more men into the Southern ranks, and 
[giving] more lives for the Southern cause than any others at the 
same time that she contained by far the largest and most determined 
disaffected elements of any state where disaffection was as little 
backed by Northern arms." The explanation, he argued, lay in the 
survival in North Carolina of the old English yeoman type, "a sturdy, 
independent middle class." Even those in this class who were small 
slaveholders, said he, were in the ranks of the disaffected and "entirely 
out of sympathy with the slaveholding class in general." 45 

The astonishing independence of North Carolina owed much also to 
the vigorous leadership of public men committed to the conservative 
cause at the outset of the war; to the personal and political strength 
of the impetuous popular idol, Governor Vance; and in no small degree 
to the "Peace Movement" and the energetically anti-Davis (and after 
January 1, 1864, the virulently anti-Vance) stand of the State's most 
influential newspaper and its volatile editor, William W. Holden. 46 
Similarly involved were the State's unusually high proportion of small 
owner-farmers; its relatively small stake in slavery and secession; its 
reputation for provincialism and reactionary ruralism that had won 
it the nickname of the "Rip Van Winkle State" (in fact no longer 
deserved after 1840, but still lingering in the southern mind), en- 
gendering in touchy Tarheels an injured sense of alienation from the 
South as a whole. 47 Many North Carolinians also believed that the 

45 David Dodge, "Cave Dwellers of the Confederacy," Atlantic Monthly, LXVIII 
(October, 1891), 514-521. 

46 The writer is treating the theme of the peace movement in another essay. For 
convenient summaries of the story, see Horace W. Raper, "William W. Holden and 
the Peace Movement in North Carolina," The North Carolina Historical Review, XXXI 
(October, 1954), 493-526, hereinafter cited as Raper, "William W. Holden and the 
Peace Movement"; Roberts, "Peace Movement in North Carolina," 190-199; Yates, 
The Confederacy and Zeb Vance, 85-107. See also, Tatum, Disloyalty in the Confed- 
eracy, Chapter VI; Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy, Chapter XII; 
J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina (New York: Columbia 
University, 1914). 

47 For some history of North Carolina's reputation for reactionary rusticity and 
provincialism, see R. D. W. Connor, North Carolina: Rebuilding An Ancient Common- 
wealth, 1585-1925 (Chicago, Illinois: The American Historical Society, Inc., 4 volumes, 
1929), II, 152ff; Guion G. Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1937), 21, 25, 764, 827; Hugh Talmage Lefler and 

Desertion in the Civil War 183 

draft operated more disastrously in their State where a disproportion- 
ately large number of farms were wholly dependent upon their owners 
( and their sons ) for labor. Entire counties were stripped of adult males 
(except for the aged) when forced military service had sent them 
either into the ranks or into hiding. 

After mid-1863 many Confederate and State authorities, as well as 
civilians and troops in the ranks, were convinced that the greatest 
single cause of desertion by North Carolinians was the peace sentiment 
and despondency at home, which they blamed on "Traitor Holden." 
The growing sentiment for trying negotiation rather than protracting 
a hopeless war made a plural thrust upon the man in the ranks. It 
not only won adherents in the army. Many soldiers who were not 
themselves captivated by its melancholy logic were demoralized by 
it because they felt that it was foolish for the troops to sacrifice them- 
selves for a cause the country seemed ready to abandon. The triumph 
of defeatism at home mocked all the suffering that the army had 
endured from the beginning; it blasphemed the memory of every 
soldier who had fallen; it sneered at every privation, every pain that 
every soldier had borne. 

Holden himself resented imputations of treason. His editorials thun- 
dered against desertion and against betrayal of southern principles, 
but he scolded the Confederate government, for, said he, it "had lost 
its original character and had been perverted to despotic purposes 
against her own rights and the rights and liberties of her citizens." 48 
The troops would fight better, he insisted, if they knew that friends 
at home were preparing the way for negotiating an honorable peace, 
for it would give real point to fighting hard for bargaining leverage." 49 
Even Vance came close to saying the same thing long before Appomat- 
tox. 50 

Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina: The History of a Southern State (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press, 1954), 298-311, 336, 355. There is an interest- 
ing observation by a perceptive northern traveler in North Carolina in 1853, in 
Arthur M. Schlesinger (ed.), The Cotton Kingdom by Frederick Law Olmsted (New 
York: Knopf, 1953), 148, where North Carolina is described as having "a proverbial 
reputation for the ignorance and torpidity of her people; being, in this respect, at the 
head of the Slave States." 

48 Raper, "William W. Holden and the Peace Movement," 507. 

49 See, for example, Semi-Weekly Standard, August 18, 1863; Weekly Standard, May 
25, July 27, 1864. 

60 Said the forthright Governor, "After a careful consideration of all the sources of 
discontent in North Carolina, I have concluded that it will be perhaps impossible to 
remove it except by making some efforts at negotiation with the enemy. ... If fair 
terms are rejected [by the North] it will . . . rally [our people]." It would, he added, 
also place the blame for this "slaughter" squarely on the North. "I have not suggested 
the method of these negotiations or their terms; the effort to obtain peace is the 
principal matter." Official Records, Series I, LI, Part II, 807. 

184 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Critics of Holden, however, saw him as a peace-at-any-price man, if 
not an unqualified traitor, driven by political ambition. In the peace 
movement and its principal voice, Holden's Standard, they saw the 
real cause of the growing defection. General D. H. Hill repeatedly 
wrote the Richmond government that it was the newspapers and fac- 
tions favoring reconstruction who induced North Carolina troops to 
decamp. 51 From the western counties came word that peace meetings 
were touching off a rush of desertion among the North Carolina regi- 
ments stationed there. 52 General Lee was convinced that peace-minded 
newspapers were a major spur to defection when he wrote James A. 
Seddon, the Secretary of War, enclosing a letter from one of his 
colonels who reported enormous withdrawals from the Twenty-second 
North Carolina Regiment and blamed them on "that disgraceful 'peace' 
sentiment spoken of by the Standard." 53 General Stephen D. Ramseur 
wrote his wife from Orange Court House two weeks later, "W. W. 
Holden is responsible in great measure for the desertions among 
North Carolina troops." 54 

Similar views were shared by men in the State's regiments at the 
front and by civilians at home. A young Granite Falls (Iredell County) 
soldier of the Seventh North Carolina Regiment wrote in the summer 
of 1863: 

I beleaf the talk at this [time] among the boys is that thay are all coming 
home before long . . . there is a good deel of disatisfaction among the N C 
troops at this time but I think all things will be wright before long if old 
Holden's press was stopt, that has don more harm in the army among 
the Soldiers of N. Carolina than every thing else. 55 

Another North Carolina private wrote his brother in the spring of 
1864 of a military execution he had just witnessed: 

There has been a good many N. Carolinians shot in this army for Deser- 
tion old traitor Holden is Responsible for the most of it. ... I think the 
N C Soldiers passing through Raleigh on Furlough ought to stop and hang 
the old son of a bitch. I think about % of the N Carolinians at home are 
tories through the enfluence of W. H. Holden and nearly half the Soldiers. 
I cant see how he keeps of the gallows. . . . N.C. has and is disgracing 
herself and Soldiers. 56 


Official Records, Series I, XVIII, 1,052-1,053. 
Official Records, Series I, XLIX, Part I, 1,034-1,035. 
Official Records, Series I, XXVII, Part III, 1,052. 

Stephen Ramseur to his wife, August 15, 1863, Stephen D. Ramseur Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection. 

65 C. F. Mills to Harrison Mills, September 6, 1863, Amanda E. Mills Papers. 

66 J. W. Bell to Ike Bell, March 14, 1864, A. W. Bell Papers, Duke Manuscript Col- 

Desertion in the Civil War 185 

A condemned private in Company B, of the Fourth North Carolina 
Regiment, seconds before the executioners' volley cut him down, de- 
clared that "though others persuaded me to do what I did, the read- 
ing of Holden's paper has brought me to this/' 57 Colonel D. M. Carter 
of the Fourth North Carolina Regiment learned that "A number of De- 
serters of Nethercut's battallion [sic] , caught at New Berne in arms, 
were hanged last week— all of them attributed their base conduct to 
the traitorous teachings of the Standard and [Raleigh] Progress." 58 

It was also widely believed that the State's courts, and especially 
Chief Justice Richmond Pearson, accounted for as many desertions as 
did spokesmen of the Peace Movement and the traitorous "Order of 
the Heroes of America." Intervening at first in behalf of principals 
whose substitutes were forced into service after the repeal of the sub- 
stitution law, but later issuing writs of habeas corpus freely to deserters 
and recusant conscripts who had been arrested in contravention of 
what the Justice conceived to be their constitutional rights, Pearson 
seemed to deny the constitutionality of the conscription laws them- 
selves, as well as the means used to enforce them. 

In the spring of 1863 General William D. Pender, one of North 
Carolina's most brilliant officers in the Army of Northern Virginia, 
wrote Lee his opinion of the causes of recent desertions of North 
Carolinians in Lee's force: 

The whole trouble lies in the fact that they believe when they get into 
North Carolina they will not be molested, and their belief is based upon 
the dictum of Pearson, Chief Justice of the State. . . . Our men are of the 
opinion that he held that the conscript law was unconstitutional, and hence 
they draw the conclusion that enrolled conscripts will not only be justified 
in resisting the law, but that those who have been held in service by the 
law will not be arrested when they desert. . . . Letters are received by the 
men urging them to leave; that they will not be troubled when they get 
home. ... To be just to my state ... I must say that . . . too many of the 
troops of other states of the Confederacy would act as ours are doing if 
they thought they could with safety. 59 

Governor Vance was drawn into acrimonious correspondence with 
the Davis government over the issue of his State's courts. Secretary 
Seddon wrote him that deserters 

157 Lt. J. M. Goff, Provost Marshall in Rodes' Division, to Col. Bryan Grimes, com- 
manding the Fourth North Carolina Regiment, February 9, 1864, published in the 
Wilmington Journal, March 10, 1864. 

68 Clara B. Hoyt to D. M. Carter, February 23, 1864, David Miller Carter Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection. 

69 Official Records, Series I, XXV, Part II, 746-747. 

186 The North Carolina Historical Review 


think they have only to come within the jurisdiction of your courts to be 
permanently exonerated from the perils and hardships of military life . . . 
[or] that if they can reach certain western counties of the State they will 
find no reprobation in public sentiment, but be secure of harbor and pro- 
tection. ... It might be well [for you] to restrain the too ready inter- 
position of the judicial authority in these questions of military obligation. 60 

Vance leaped to the rebuttal. Recounting his recent and continuing 
energetic exertions to combat desertion and to inspirit the people of 
his State, he took sharp exception to imputations of "a too ready 
interposition of the judicial authority. . . ." Insisting that the State's 
unhappy reputation was to be explained by the fact that her neighbors 
were too willing to think evil of her, he reminded Secretary of War 
Seddon, that she had done more to arrest conscripts and deserters, "she 
has better executed the conscript law; has fuller regiments in the field 
than any other; and ... in the two last great battles on the Rappahan- 
nock [Fredericksburg and Chancellors ville] in December and May she 
furnished over half of the killed and wounded." 

The decisions of North Carolina's courts have been widely mis- 
construed, he went on, and "I must decline to 'restrain the judiciary.' 
He further said, 

While I will do everything for the common cause, I will also sustain the 
judicial authorities of the land, the rights and privileges of the citizens 
to the utmost of my power. . . . The decisions of the Supreme Court of 
North Carolina will be binding on all parties. 61 

Vance's loyalty to the southern cause was in fact beyond question, 
but his hostility to Davis and his government ( notably on the score of 
its neglect of North Carolina and her fair claims to defense, and to a 
proportionate share of appointments of high civil and military officers; 
its centralized authority and "military tyranny"; his solicitude for his 
State's rights; his avowed unfriendliness to conscription; 62 and his 
vigorously expressed refusal to subject the courts to executive usurpa- 

60 Official Records, Series I, XXV, Part II, 814; Series I, LI, Part II, 714. 

61 Official Records, Series I, LI, Part II, 715. 

62 The full story of the opposition to conscription in North Carolina, both in the 
courts and elsewhere, merges with the problem of desertion, and is too complex to be 
recounted here. It forms a separate chapter of the study upon which the writer is 
engaged, and has, moreover, been recorded by others. See J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, 
"The State Courts and the Confederate Constitution," The Journal of Southern History, 
IV (November, 1938), 348-444; J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, "The North Carolina 
Courts and the Confederacy, " The North Carolina Historical Review, IV (October, 
1927), 366-403; Yates, The Confederacy and Zeb Vance, 44-48; Moore, Conscription 
and Conflict in the Confederacy, Chapter XII; Frank L. Owsley, State Rights in the 
Confederacy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925), Chapter IV; Tatum, 
Disloyalty in the Confederacy, 114-118, 127. 

Desertion in the Civil War 187 

tion) made him, especially beyond his State's borders, appear the ally 
of Pearson, if not of Holden, in sabotaging the Confederacy's desperate 
efforts to recruit up the nation's vanishing armies. 

One other source of disaffection which fed the North Carolina 
troops' inclination to desert the Confederacy's flag was the belief that 
their State was deliberately discriminated against, and would, in the 
end, have little more to hope for in the Confederacy than in the old 
Union. The suspicion was strengthened by Vance himself, who re- 
peatedly and intemperately accused the Davis government of such 
partiality. The State smarted under doubts of her loyalty that the Davis 
regime and the Confederacy at large and the Confederate Army enter- 
tained, based, she presumed, upon her prudent conservatism in the 
secession crisis, her preference for moderate office-holders rather than 
fire-eaters, her manful resistance to Confederate centralization and 
usurpations, and her consistent defense of the prerogatives of States at 
war against the principle of consolidated federalism. 

Soldiers and civilians were moved to wrath against Richmond by 
Vance's charge that the Confederacy sacrificed the defense of the 
State's coast in favor of the prior claims of Virginia. They shared the 
Governor's fierce indignation over the assignment to North Carolina of 
Virginians and other "foreigners" to enforce the Confederate tax, im- 
pressment, and conscription laws, and over the systematic exclusion 
of North Carolinians from high posts in the Davis administration. 

Especially bitter were the recriminations over the slighting of North 
Carolina's claims to military commands. The State by Davis' own ad- 
mission was supplying the Confederacy with more men than was any 
other, and she insisted on a proportionate share of high-ranking com- 
missions. Of a total of eight full generals in the Confederate armies, 
none was a North Carolinian; of the 21 lieutenant generals, the State 
had only two; of 99 maior generals, she had only six instead of the 20 
that she felt was her due. And of the 480 Confederate brigadier gen- 
erals, the State's twenty comprised only one-fourth of her fair share. 63 

03 Clark, Histories of the North Carolina Regiments, V, 3-4. There is frequent men- 
tion of these discriminations, in the letters of troops from the front. One soldier in 
the Fourteenth North Carolina Regiment, speculating on the cause of his State's troops' 
low repute, wrote his observations to his hometown newspaper. "North Carolina Troops 
are looked upon ... by other State Troops with contempt, caused by the reconstruc- 
tion rumors and sentiments from North Carolina that have been put afloat. . . . Such 
rumors are one great cause of so much desertion. ... I can hear every day, more or 
less that North Carolina is for reconstruction and that all her troops are deserting 
and going home." To rebut the charge the writer pointed out that any soldier who 
wished to escape from the army had simply to step out of ranks during the retreat 
from Pennsylvania with little fear of reprisal. "We could now be in Yankeedom if it 
had been our desire, or in North Carolina either." North Carolina Argus (Wadesboro), 
September 24, 1863. 

188 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Finally, the troops, with no little coaching from their Governor, re- 
peatedly expressed bitterness over the favoritism shown Virginia and 
other States, at North Carolina's cost, in official reports and newspaper 
accounts of battles. North Carolina's contribution in killed and 
wounded exceeded that of all other States, but she was, she believed, 
consistently robbed of her share of glory not only because officers 
from other States (particularly Virginia) held most of the commands 
and because the war office and the Richmond government generally 
were staffed largely with Virginians, but also because the Confed- 
eracy's press was largely dependent upon Virginia newspapers and 
Virginia correspondents for battle news of the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia, to which most of North Carolina's regiments were attached. 64 

A considerable number of runaways went directly over to Union 
lines by abandoning their trenches or rifle pits and delivering them- 
selves to Federal pickets. Others left their own posts as pickets and 
crossed over while still others contrived to be taken prisoner. Still 
larger numbers struck out for the Confederacy's interior, preferably 
for their own communities, going boldly to their homes or "lying out" 
and maintaining precarious contact with their families. The break was 
often made by dropping out of moving columns at fords, ferries, gaps, 
and passes, especially in rough country, or by falling back at swamps 
near camp. Some slipped from railway stations and troop trains, even 
jumping from moving cars. Many simply failed to return from hospitals 
or furloughs, sometimes using stolen or forged passes and other papers. 
Some sprang to freedom under cover of darkness or in the confusions 
of battle or in the course of disorderly retreats. Some managed with 
help from sympathizers to escape in civilian clothes, or were relayed 
by stages into the interior, by a kind of semi-organized underground. 
The record even mentions a Richmond embalmer who passed off the 
renegade as his assistant or even as a corpse. 65 

The problem of controlling desertion was complicated by the fact 
that the offense was not clearly defined by law. Indeed, the laws of 
States, North Carolina among them, did not recognize the offense, and 
the fact that it was therefore a Confederate crime greatly impeded the 
efforts to arrest and forward the runaways. Desertion as the military 


Official Records, Series I, XXIX, Part II, 723-724; Jones, Rebel War Clerk's Diary, 
I, 391. There is a summary of heart-burnings in North Carolina over the several dis- 
criminations mentioned in this and the foregoing two paragraphs, in Walter A. 
Montgomery, "Relations Between the Confederate States Government and the Govern- 
ment of North Carolina," Proceedings and Addresses of the Fourteenth Annual Session 
of the State Literary and Historical Association of North Carolina, Bulletin 15 (1913), 

•'This paragraph relies heavily upon Lonn, Desertion During the Civil War, 38#, 
and Martin, Desertion of Alabama Troops, 1-25, 246. 

Desertion in the Civil War 189 

and Confederate law contemplated it, was the abandonment of the 
military service without permission and with the intention not to re- 
turn. The latter intent was, of course, extremely difficult to prove. A 
surprising number took self-awarded furloughs to make a crop, to cut 
firewood, to look to repairs about the house and farm, to assuage the 
pangs of homesickness, or to beget a child. Nothing is more astonishing 
about the life of "Johnny Reb" than his casual departures and returns 
in the face of laws that defined his conduct as punishable by death. 

Sometimes deserters quit one regiment to join another. Far more 
common was absence without leave, involving, it was presumed, inten- 
tion to return. Another widespread practice was that of "straggling"— 
falling out of line of the march, or immediately before or during battle, 
with intent to return when peril was past— or when a particular black- 
berry patch had been stripped of its fruit. Still another form of shirking 
was "skulking," avoiding military service by fraud or other law-break- 
ing: self-mutiliation, malingering at the expiration of a furlough or at 
the commencement of a battle, securing forged papers of paroles or 
furloughs or exemptions; collusion with medical boards for exemption 
or with subordinate military officers for assignment to easy duties and 
pleading ignorance of the machinery of enrollment under the conscrip- 
tion laws. As the War progressed, the distinctions between these and 
other dodges became increasingly blurred, and the various artifices 
were eventually subsumed under the general term "desertion." 

Means for coping with slackers, shirkers, runaways, and turncoats 
were as numerous and varied as the modes of escape, and they com- 
prise an absorbing, if saddened, chapter of Civil War history. That 
story is, however, too long to be recounted here, and must be reserved 
for separate exposition. 




By John Robert Moore* 

In North Carolina the primaries for nomination of Democratic can- 
didates for the governorship have usually been the occasions for hotly 
fought battles. From time to time the nature of the factions competing 
within the Democratic Party for control of State affairs has changed, 
but over several decades the chief divisions have fallen between or- 
ganization and antiorganization groups. The 1924 gubernatorial cam- 
paign proved no exception as Josiah William Bailey, an insurgent 
candidate, vied with Angus Wilton McLean, the candidate of the 
political organization led by Senator Furnifold M. Simmons, for the 
Democratic nomination. Although Bailey was soundly defeated in his 
first State-wide race, he did succeed in building a workable, personally 
loyal organization and in bringing recognition to himself as a power- 
ful figure in State politics. Upon this foundation he sprang to national 
prominence in 1930, when he wrested the Democratic nomination for 
senator from North Carolina from Simmons, who had held that office 
for 30 years. The 1924 campaign not only illustrated the techniques 
and ideas which Bailey used with good effect in subsequent races, but 
also revealed much of the character and determination that later 
made him an influential leader of southern conservatives in the United 
States Senate during the turbulent years of the Depression and World 
War II. 

Josiah William Bailey, fifty-one years old in 1924, was a veteran 
politician with a self-acknowledged "propensity for battle" that thrust 
him into one struggle after another. 1 A man of inherent dignity, he was 
medium in build, his expression grave, and his face angular with a 
prominent nose, a lantern jaw, and greying temples. His dress was 

* Dr. Moore is a member of the faculty at the University of Southwestern Louisiana, 

1 Josiah W. Bailey to Locke Craig, November 28, 1923, Josiah W. Bailey Papers, 
Duke Manuscript Collection, Duke University, Durham, hereinafter cited as Bailey 
Papers. For a detailed account of Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 campaign see John Robert 
Moore, "Josiah W. Bailey: Candidate for Governor of North Carolina, 1922-1924" 
(unpublished master's thesis, Duke University, 1960). 

Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 


Josiah William Bailey. From files of the State Department of Archives and History. 

austere, almost Edwardian with dark, carefully buttoned suits, somber 
ties, and high starched collars at which he often tugged when speak- 
ing. 2 In manner and appearance there was a hint of the Baptist min- 
ister, and his speeches were nearly always tinged with Biblical phrases 
that expressed a deep sense of moral indignation. 3 Recognized as one 
of North Carolina's finest orators, he had a sharp, incisive intellect, 
which his enemies suspected concealed the makings of a demagogue. 
During a political campaign he would drive quietly to the courthouse, 
ascend the platform, and begin sorting the documents from which he 
planned to quote. Hardly ever did he seek out people, although when 
approached by friends and admirers he demonstrated the typical 
politician's facility in exchanging pleasantries and in shaking hands. 
He seemed to have an abounding confidence in his power to reach 
the people from the speaker's platform. 4 

a The News and Observer (Raleigh), June 7, 1924, hereinafter cited as The News 
and Observer. 

'Both his father and grandfather had been Baptist ministers, and Bailey himself 
had edited the Biblical Recorder, the weekly organ of the Baptist State Convention of 
North Carolina, from 1893 to 1907. For a brief account of Bailey's family history, see 
the Biblical Recorder, January 2, 1935. 

* See, for example, The News and Observer, June 6, 1924. 

192 The North Carolina Historical Review 


On the stump for 15 years Bailey had vigorously upheld the policies 
and principles of the Democratic party. He had given head and heart 
in 1908 to William Jennings Bryan, "the Knight Errant of mankind," 
while at the same time aligning himself with the political organization 
in North Carolina led by Senator Furnifold M. Simmons. 5 From 1912 
Bailey fought beside Simmons in every campaign, received and dis- 
tributed patronage, and compiled an official record as Collector of 
Internal Revenue for North Carolina during his eight-year tenure that 
was distinguished by efficiency. 6 His marked ability, knowledge of 
public affairs, and deep interest in political questions placed him in the 
front line of aspirants for State office. 

Shortly after Bailey left the office of Collector of Internal Revenue 
in October, 1921, rumors circulated that he might be a candidate for 
Governor in 1924. The News and Observer reported, however, on 
January 2, 1922, that "A. Wilton McLean, W. B. Cooper, and John H. 
Kerr are apparently in the running in earnest with still a doubt as the 
intention of J. W. Bailey." 7 Bailey himself neither confirmed nor de- 
nied the rumors publicly at this time, but remained an acute observer 
of the shifting political sands in the State. By April, 1922, however, he 
admitted privately: 

I suspect I shall have a fight to the finish with the machine, but I am 
ready for it. I have stood with the machine for the sake of Senator Sim- 
mons many years, but there are certain elements of it that will never 
harmonize with me. I shall make no final decision to run in the near 
future. 8 

Although his activities gave little indication of his political aspirations, 
the 1924 primary was never far from his mind. 

Apparently Bailey waited only until the time seemed ripe to intro- 
duce himself. His opportunity arrived during the Wake County pri- 
mary election of county officers in June, 1922, which presented the 
scene of a bitter contest between John Hinsdale, W. F. Evans, and 
John Mills for the Democratic nomination for Solicitor in the Seventh 
Judicial District. With the first ballot split three ways, no one received 
a majority of the votes, and a second primary was held to decide 

5 Furnifold M. Simmons (1854-1940), member of the United States Senate from 
North Carolina, 1901-1931. He was defeated for the Democratic nomination for the 
United States Senate in 1930 by Josiah W. Bailey, his former supporter and friend. 
J. Fred Rippy (ed), F. M. Simmons, Statesman of the New South, Memoirs and Ad- 
dresses (Durham: Duke University Press, 1936), passim. 

a N. Y. Gulley, Josiah W. Bailey: A Brief Sketch of his Career and Activities 
([Raleigh: Allied Printing Trades, 1924]), 1-4. 

7 The News and Observer, January 2, 1922. 

8 Josiah W. Bailey to J. H. Weathers, April 28, 1922, Bailey Papers. 

Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 193 

between Hinsdale and Evans. John Mills, the third contender, cast his 
lot with Hinsdale. With the battle thus intensified, Bailey chose to step 
into the fray, as a private citizen, in support of Evans. 9 

Speaking at the Wake County Courthouse in Raleigh on June 12, 
1922, Bailey informed several hundred of Evans' supporters that a 
coalition of lawyers, bankers, and others was trying to railroad Hins- 
dale into office. On a more personal note he acknowledged, "I do not 
know whether or not I shall lose votes for Governor tonight or not. I 
do not care. I know I am going to do my duty and let the future take 
care of itself." 10 As the second primary approached, he further charged 
that certain lawless elements had distributed large sums of money in 
an effort to corrupt the voters in Wake and Franklin counties. 11 The 
outcome of the second primary was an outstanding victory for Bailey's 
candidate for solicitor, W. F. Evans. Raleigh's leading newspaper 
aptly summarized the situation: 

The Bailey forces accept victory with what modesty it has at its com- 
mand. ... In the latter days of the campaign less was heard of Bailey, 
but he had already centered the attention of the entire State on himself 
through the medium of a local fight. Many of his friends see in the over- 
whelming victory of the Bailey candidate, a measure of the strength that 
will come to Bailey two years hence when he goes out to battle with 
A. Wilton McLean for Governor. 12 

Bailey's speech in behalf of Evans was his first public pronounce- 
ment of his intention to campaign for the Democratic nomination for 
governor in 1924. That he had chosen both the time and the method 
of his revelation with rare political acumen was attested to by the 
bountiful harvest of publicity that followed. His charges that certain 
members of Governor Cameron Morrison's administration, principally 
A. D. Watts as Commissioner of Revenue, were using money to elect 
their favorites and to subvert the primary election system seemed 
sufficient to win for him both the guise of a reformer and the appear- 
ance of an antimachine candidate. 13 The latter move held peculiar 
significance since not only had Bailey himself been a beneficiary of the 
political organization headed by Senator Simmons, but he had vigor- 

9 The News and Observer, June 13, 1922. 

10 The News and Observer, June 13, 1922. 

11 The News and Observer, June 26, 1922. Two years later, Bailey recalled : "Mr. 
A. D. Watts, Commissioner of Revenue, used his office in 1922 for political purposes; 
and when he did I went to the Court House in the month of June, in the City of 
Raleigh, and denounced him and his doings." Josiah W. Bailey to W. L. Spencer, April 
3, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

12 The News and Observer, July 3, 1922. 

13 The News and Observer, June 26, 1922. 

194 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ously defended it against the attacks of W. W.'Kitchin in the senatorial 
campaign of 1912. 14 

During the summer of 1922 Bailey let the subject of irregular elec- 
tion practices fade from the headlines and tended to some political 
fence-mending. His willingness to abandon his supposed discoveries 
of bribery in State politics was unusual in view of the tenacity with 
which he held to any reform that he believed was needed. Bailey ex- 
plained his silence in this manner: "Loyalty to the Party required that 
I should hold my peace until after the November election." 15 As for 
his political fence-mending, he took his most important step concern- 
ing the attitude of his friend and patron, Senator Furnifold M. Sim- 
mons. In August, 1922, Bailey visited briefly with the Senator in 
Washington, D. C, and discussed both the election irregularities and 
his possible candidacy for Governor. 16 Recalling this visit some 20 
years later, he observed: 

In 1918 I became aware of the cheating in our Primaries and Elections. 
I discovered that Watts had arranged to have thousands of absentee 
soldiers votes cast in the election. I took the matter up with Simmons and 
told him I would not stand for it, and in 1921 I demanded the Australian 
Ballot and a fair election system. He did not like my attitude as he said 
it would make trouble between him and Watts. I told him I was going 
ahead and would undertake to whip Watts and expected Simmons to lay 
off. He gave me a lecture on politics then and said he thought I wished 
to be Governor, and he would assure me I would be Governor and might 
be Senator, but he wished me to be quiet and go along with him and the 
others. I told him I was unwilling to be quiet and I did not care to run for 
any office, but I was concerned about an election reform and would go 
ahead. I asked him if he would fight me if I ran for Governor and he said 
no he would take a neutral position. 17 

Writing to Simmons in March, 1924, Bailey reminded him of the 
August conference: "I mentioned to you that there was a possibility 
of my running for Governor; and you immediately said that as between 
me and any of your other friends, you would not take sides; and I said 
that I would expect no more of you than this." 18 

Following the general elections of November, 1922, Bailey deto- 
nated a political bombshell that more than compensated for his relative 
silence during the last four months. In a lengthy public letter delivered 
to the Associated Press and published throughout North Carolina on 

M See, for example, J. W. Bailey, Simmons — Organizer of Victory (n.p., [1912]), 1-16. 
15 Josiah W. Bailey to W. O. Saunders, March 18, 1924, Bailey Papers. 
19 Josiah W. Bailey to J. Crawford Biggs, March 1, 1924, Bailey Papers. 
"Josiah W. Bailey to Walter Montgomery, June 12, 1943, Bailey Papers. 
18 Josiah W. Bailey to Furnifold M. Simmons, March 20, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 195 

November 22, 1922, he called on the Democratic Party and the re- 
cently elected General Assembly for an extensive program of reform. 
He specifically set forth four services for the State and Party to per- 
form: (1) safeguarding and checking the issuing of long term bonds, 
(2) reducing the volume of taxes for State, county, city and town, (3) 
rescuing primary and election systems from corrupting use of money, 
and (4) rehabilitating the office and curbing the power of the State 
Tax Commissioner. 19 

On the issuance of long-term bonds, Bailey argued simply that 
North Carolina must curb the current tendency to tap the credit of the 
State at the expense of future generations. In urging a reduction of 
taxes, he was not merely echoing the politician's habitual cry for 
economy in government. His case was built solidly upon the almost 
threefold increase in the volume of taxes in North Carolina over the 
1912 to 1922 period. Proper efforts in the direction of business-like 
economy and the elimination of sinecures, graft, and supernumeraries 
would, he estimated, save hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of 
dollars. His chief complaint about taxes, however, was that the burden 
fell heaviest upon farmers and owners of small homes. 20 

Although the first two issues of Bailey's program of reform took 
precedence in his own view, neither carried the impact of his third 
and fourth points. Bailey harshly denounced those persons who had 
sought to corrupt the primary and election system by the use of money 
in the purchase of votes and in tampering with the election officials 
and returns. In his denouncement he mentioned no names, but insisted 
he knew "the man who boasts that he is 'the greatest fat-fryer since 
Aaron,' and will name him when necessary." 21 As a correction, Bailey 
bluntly asserted that "for the man who solicits . . . the man who pays 
. . . the man who takes the money the doors of the penitentiary 
should open." 22 

Bailey's demand for the rehabilitation of the office of State Tax 
Commissioner, which was held by A. D. Watts, created the greatest 
furor. The heat generated by this demand was not surprising, since 
Bailey's wording was strong to the point of intemperance: 

I have said that the State Tax Commissioner has more power than Julius 
Caesar. ... It ought to be made a penitentiary offense for him to solicit, 

u The News and Observer, November 22, 1922. 

20 The News and Observer, November 22, 1922. In Bailey's opinion, "big bond issues 
tend to develop pork-barrel politics, and evidences of that are now at hand in this state." 

21 The News and Observer, November 22, 1922. In view of Bailey's running* battle 
against A. D. Watts, the most probable inference here was that this was another 
oblique attack upon Watts. 

88 The News and Observer, November 22, 1922. 

196 The North Carolina Historical Review 

receive, or distribute campaign contributions in primaries or elections. 
He ought to be utterly divorced from politics. . . . Otherwise, we stand 
guilty of having given to a taxgatherer the power to raise unlimited funds 
for political purposes and return them with interest in favors at the 
public expense. 23 

He also pointed out that had he suggested these reforms prior to the 
November elections, he would with reason have been charged with 
giving aid and comfort to the Republicans. After the election and be- 
fore the meeting of the General Assembly, however, he could put for- 
ward these reforms with the hope that the legislature might apply the 
necessary remedies before the next election. 24 

Whatever Bailey's real intentions may have been or the effect he 
hoped to create with his sensational expose, he quickly found himself 
embroiled in a conflict of personalities. The controversy stemmed 
chiefly from the immediate opposition of Governor Cameron Morrison, 
who with some justification considered Bailey's statements a direct 
attack upon his administration. In the following bitter exchange of 
accusations and recriminations, Bailey was hard put to explain his sup- 
port of Morrison in the 1920 primary and his dramatic break with 
Morrison's administration in 1922. 25 Despite the blunting of the initial 
impact of his program of legislative reforms, he determined to impress 
the need for reform deeply upon the people of North Carolina. To 
facilitate this end, he published his program in a pamphlet entitled 
Four Services of Progress and distributed it throughout the State. In 
the Preface, dated December 5, 1922, he noted that his program had 
created widespread interest, but that much of the discussion had not 
revolved around the soundness of the views expressed. He further 

I have seen but little discussion as to whether the policies proposed would 
serve or disserve our Commonwealth. But much has been said upon the 
subject of how the expression of my views at this time might affect the 
contest for the Governorship in 1924 ! As if that were the question ! 26 

"The turning point in my political career was the discovery of what 

23 The News and Observer, November 22, 1922. Earlier Bailey had declared: "I have 
said that the next General Assembly ought to pull every political tooth out of his head. 
He is Tax Commissioner. The head of our taxation system has no business in politics." 
The News and Observer, July 10, 1922. 

24 The News and Observer, July 10, 1922. 

^Bailey later remarked: "With regard to the machine, I did not consider the 
Simmons following in this state as a political machine; but when Governor Morrison 
came in, he converted his Administration into a machine." Josiah W. Bailey to N. Y. 
Gulley, March 30, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

26 Josiah W. Bailey, Four Services of Progress (Raleigh: Privately printed, 1922), 

Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 197 

was going on in the 1922 primary," wrote Bailey on March 18, 1924. 27 
His reasons for severing his association with the controlling elements 
of the Democratic Party in North Carolina were probably not so simple 
or so idealistic as his public statements and letters indicated. Having 
been active in State politics for more than 15 years, he doubtlessly 
knew of the compromises involved in selecting candidates and in main- 
taining power on both State and local levels. Although his name may 
have been connected in the public mind with the so-called Democratic 
machine, this association was probably more the consequence of his 
support of the leaders of the Democratic organization than the result 
of any control which he exerted upon that machine. Bailey himself 
protested: "I think the machine capitalized my support. I call your 
attention to the fact that from the day of my entrance into politics 
until now, I was fighting the political machine- in Raleigh and Wake 
County." 28 Yet alongside the Bailey who was repulsed by the excessive 
lengths to which he thought machine politics had been carried in the 
State, there was the Bailey whose political career, although moderately 
successful, had never included a major elective office. 

Throughout 1922 Bailey tested the measure of public support his 
candidacy for governor in 1924 might call forth. As an experienced 
politician he appreciated that his chances of attaining the Democratic 
nomination depended upon either the influential backing of the party 
leaders or a mighty ground swell of popular support. In relation to 
these hard political facts, his tactics in the 1922 primary and in his 
subsequent demand for legislative reforms had a greater significance 
than superficial appearances might warrant. Wade Harris, Editor of 
The Charlotte Observer and by no means a Bailey sympathizer, made 
the following analysis: "Mr. Bailey wants to be Governor and finding 
that about all the elements of the party were minded for another 
man— these elements constituting 'the machine' he is endeavoring to 
discredit the leaders of it and to make capital for himself among the 
people." 29 

The problem of channeling public sentiment to the support of 
Bailey's candidacy was manifold. In the first place, since his political 
activities had been limited largely to city and county levels, and since 
his participation in State campaigns had always been as a supporter 
rather than as a candidate, he had to bring about recognition of him- 
self as a candidate, and, if possible, as a strong contender for the 
governorship. In the second place, since there was no indication that 

27 Josiah W. Bailey to W. 0. Saunders, March 18, 1924, Bailey Papers. 
38 Josiah W. Bailey to Stacy Brewer, February 8, 1924, Bailey Papers. 
29 The Charlotte Observer, November 26, 1922. 

198 The North Carolina Historical Review 


he would receive the backing of the party leaders with whom he had 
formerly allied, his identification with the so-called Democratic ma- 
chine could be only a liability in any attempt to arouse popular sup- 
port. Finally, since his chances of success rested upon an informed 
and sympathetic public, his candidacy needed a firm basis upon cer- 
tain issues which would exploit public dissatisfaction with the existing 
order and stimulate the pulse of reform throughout the State. In 
publishing his Four Services of Progress, Bailey reconciled, perhaps 
unconsciously, his candidacy to these difficulties. By this one step, he 
not only signaled his political availability, while bringing about State- 
wide notice, but also showed his independence from the political 
machine, challenged the practices of Morrison's administration, and 
pointed the way to progressive reform. 

Throughout the winter of 1923 Josiah W. Bailey maintained an 
attitude of inquiry in respect to his prospective candidacy and the 
popular support he might expect. To the urging of his supporters that 
he organize for the coming campaign, he remained quietly but firmly 
aloof. His impression of political conditions was: "While there is an 
extensive and increasing interest, the people as a whole are not dis- 
posed to become intensely interested in a campaign that cannot really 
begin until 1924." 30 The public may have been indifferent, but such 
was not the case for the supporters of Angus Wilton McLean. 31 The 
Charlotte Observer in a thinly disguised "news article" on July 2, 1923, 

If reports that come into Raleigh from every district from the first to the 
tenth portray the actual political situation, and it is believed they do, 
McLean has the forces of influence active for him in four-fifths of the 
counties of the state . . . see the recognized party leaders who have cast 
their lot with the McLean forces . . . Governor Morrison, 0. Max Gardner, 
Robert N. Page, Senator F. M. Simmons, Senator Lee S. Overman, the 
entire North Carolina delegation to Congress. . . , 32 

This loose coalition of party leaders lending their influence and sup- 
port to Angus W. McLean was only slightly exaggerated. Bailey had 
long since recognized that his candidacy would not be endorsed by the 



The News and Observer, July 8, 1923. 

The political career of Angus Wilton McLean was marked by an impressive record 
of service to the Democratic Party and the nation. From 1916 to 1924 he served as the 
North Carolina member of the National Executive Committee to the Democratic Party. 
During the First World War, he rendered conspicuous service as a director of the War 
Finance Corporation and as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. William H. Richard- 
son, "Angus Wilton McLean," David Leroy Corbitt (ed.) Public Papers and Letters 
of Angus Wilton McLean, Governor of North Carolina, 1925-1929 (Raleigh: Council of 
State, 1931), vii-xvi. 

The Charlotte Observer, July 2, 1923. 


Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 199 

leaders of his party, but he had hoped that his personal friendship 
with Senator Simmons would at least prevent this accepted "boss" of 
the Democratic party organization in North Carolina from taking sides. 
Bailey's hopes that Simmons would remain nonpartisan went un- 
realized, for on April 25, 1923, Simmons announced in conversation 
with Bailey: "Now Mr. Bailey, you have been very candid with me; 
and I must tell you that I am going to support Mr. McLean for Gov- 
ernor." 33 On July 4, 1923, Simmons publicly stated that he would 
champion the candidacy of McLean. 34 In reaction to Simmons' en- 
dorsement of his opponent, Bailey issued a formal declaration through 
the Associated Press in which his disappointment was evident: 

Let the statement by Senator Simmons ... go for whatever it may be 
worth. It is not for me to appraise the force of it one way or the other. 
My position is unchanged. I would not be fit to run for Governor, if my 
running depended upon the support of any man or set of men. . . . With 
all due respect, therefore, to any and all the powers, so far as I am con- 
cerned, the people must determine my course. "The Machine" did not put 
me up ; it can not pull me down. 35 

If Bailey's statement showed his disappointment, it also affirmed his 
determination to carry his candidacy to the people of North Carolina. 
In a very real sense Simmons' support of McLean broke the last tie 
holding Bailey to the controlling elements of the party organization. 
Although Bailey precipitated the estrangement by his independent 
attitude and his denunciation of election irregularities, Simmons made 
the final break. Looking back 20 years later, Bailey recalled: 

But in 1923 before I had announced he sent for me and told me he must 
frankly tell me he would fight if I ran. This made a break between 
Simmons and myself. I told him I would fight back. Had he gone along 
with me in the matter of the election law I would have been his faithful 
supporter as long as he lived. 36 

At this time, however, he remarked simply: "He has tried to keep me 
from running; and, unfortunately for him, he tried in the wrong way- 
he really challenged me to run— and as I see it, made it almost neces- 
sary that I should run." 37 Almost at once he abandoned his former atti- 
tude of cautious inquiry toward the prospects of his candidacy and his 
posture of quiet aloofness in regard to campaign organization. His 

88 Josiah W. Bailey to Furnif old M. Simmons, March 30, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

84 The News and Observer, July 5, 1923. 

88 The News and Observer, July 8, 1923. 

"Josiah W. Bailey to Walter Montgomery, June 12, 1943, Bailey Papers. 

87 Josiah W. Bailey to Archibald Johnson, October 2, 1923, Bailey Papers. 

200 The North Carolina Historical Review 


private letters and public speeches expressed a purposefulness of in- 
tent unknown before Simmons' announcement. 

On July 16, 1923, Bailey wrote of his campaign plans: "It will be 
no trouble to me to make a speech every night and, if necessary, I 
think I can make one every morning and every night. . . . My plan 
will be to travel and speak constantly for six months." 38 He apparently 
considered his campaign experience and his oratorical ability among 
his chief advantages in arousing support, but he was too astute to 
depend upon speeches alone. Above all he understood that his chances 
rested upon psychological factors: 

No man can look abroad over the country at present, without being con- 
vinced that the people are tired of machines and bosses. A candidate must 
always depend upon psychological effect, rather than anything he may say 
or do. He must get the benefit of the mass movement, or lose out. 39 

At the same time he realized the necessity of cultivating a friendly 
press if his candidacy was to reach the greatest number of voters 
throughout the State. Although he expected many of the city news- 
papers to be nonpartisan, if not sympathetic, he believed his major 
source of strength was in the small county newspapers which could 
influence the farm vote. 40 

Friends and supporters continually urged Bailey to initiate county 
campaign organizations, but he proposed to hold out until the most 
auspicious moment. He perceived that his campaign would need the 
appearance, if not the reality, of ever-growing momentum as the June 
primary of 1924 approached. By the first of August, 1923, he had re- 
ceived sufficient assurances of support to organize in at least 50 coun- 
ties, but he was not prepared to risk the danger of organizing pre- 
cipitately. Intent on preventing his candidacy from bogging-down 
before the climax of the race, his plan of action called first upon an 
unrelenting speaking campaign and second on a thorough-going dis- 
tribution of printed material. These two courses would, he hoped, 
establish the issues involved in the election and arouse the people from 
their lethargy. 41 

Writing to Judge Walter Clark, Bailey confided, "If I may judge 
from what I hear, there is a tremendous revolt on against the machine, 

38 Josiah W. Bailey to Archibald Johnson, July 16, 1923, Bailey Papers. 

S9 Josiah W. Bailey to Archibald Johnson, July 16, 1923, Bailey Papers. 

40 Josiah W. Bailey to E. F. Watson, July 25, 1923, Bailey Papers. 

tt Josiah W. Bailey to Walter Clark, August 2, 1923, A. L. Brooks and Hugh T. Lefler 
(eds.), The Papers of Walter Clark (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 
Press, 2 volumes, 1948-1950), II, 469-470, hereinafter cited as Brooks and Lefler, The 
Papers of Walter Clark. 

Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 201 

and its administration. Heaven knows, we have enough to arouse the 
last drop of red blood in the State." 42 There was certainly sufficient 
encouragement at this point to prompt him to remark, "I believe they 
will demand, on the part of the people, a new deal inside the Demo- 
cratic Party and I suspect that the machine captains will realize this, 
if they do not already realize it." 43 His optimism was not completely 
unfounded, but his hopes had become dangerously high. By the first 
of October, he even toyed with the idea that Senator Simmons could 
be persuaded to abandon McLean and to join the Bailey camp. He 
suggested to his friend, Archibald Johnson: 

I believe a letter from you to Senator Simmons will have great effect; 
he comes up for election next time; the Party will be on the defensive. 
i.'.I have reason to believe that Simmons is very much concerned about 
the present situation and that he is fearful of the consequences. . . . You 
may be surprised that I entertain the thought that Simmons may yet pull 
McLean down, but I do think (from what I have heard) that he is very 
much concerned. 44 

All was not well in the Bailey encampment despite the glowing re- 
ports of his supporters and the wishful thinking of Bailey himself. His 
optimism sprang from the overzealous views of his supporters, whose 
letters tended to indicate a swing of popular feeling to Bailey. Even 
this correspondence was not completely favorable, for a few of his 
friends advised him against seeking the nomination. Locke Craig, 
Governor of North Carolina from 1913 to 1917 and a political friend 
of both Bailey and Simmons, wrote on November 24, 1923: 

I would regret exceedingly for you to run for Governor. I feel sure that 
you cannot be nominated. You may carry this county, but if my subjective 
symptoms are any indication of the sentiment of North Carolina, they will 
not nominate you this time. A great many people severely criticise our 
present governor and his policies, but there are influences that you can not 
overcome now. 45 

Former Governor Craig did not explain the "influences" that Bailey 
could not overcome, but his advice against running was explicit. These 
warnings from a veteran politician for whom Bailey held high regard 
may well have had a sobering effect. 

If Craig's counsel did not persuade Bailey to forsake his campaign, 
it at least evoked a response that revealed much of his character. His 

42 Brooks and Lefler, The Papers of Walter Clark, II, 469-470. 

43 Brooks and Lefler, The Papers of Walter Clark, II, 469-470. 

44 Josiah W. Bailey to Archibald Johnson, October 2, 1923, Bailey Papers. 
46 Locke Craig to Josiah W. Bailey, November 24, 1923, Bailey Papers. 

202 The North Carolina Historical Review 

reply to Craig disclosed a depth of feeling and a measure of idealism 
that his speeches, despite their eloquence, had seldom expressed. "I 
got into politics by accident," Bailey wrote, "and my first venture in 
general politics was founded in my regard for you. I was very much 
of an amateur in 1908." 46 Nevertheless, because so much in politics 
disgusted him, Bailey alleged that he had always verged on renounc- 
ing his political activities. The only real satisfaction he could claim 
was "in my successful wars against a crowd of rascals in Wake County 
and Raleigh," and in his hopes that "whipping the same sort of rascals 
in the State" might prove equally gratifying. 47 As for the gubernatorial 
race, he contended, "Suppose I refuse to undertake it; who will take 
my place? Suppose no one undertakes to do it; what will become of the 
Democratic Party and the State? This is the matter that is giving me 
concern." 48 He perceived that his campaign would be arduous, and 
he admitted a great desire to quit politics altogether and to enioy his 
home and legal practice. "On the other hand," he maintained, "I have 
a natural propensity for battle— a propensity that puzzles me, it seems 
so strange to my real nature. Nevertheless, it seizes me, and thrusts 
me into one political struggle after another." 49 

On January 17, 1924, Josiah W. Bailey formally announced his can- 
didacy for the nomination of the Democratic Party for Governor of 
North Carolina in the primary on June 7, 1924. In a three-page decla- 
ration he outlined his reasons for seeking office and presented the 
policies and principles he intended his candidacy to represent. "I am 
now a candidate," he attested, "because I believe there is a service to 
be rendered, a cause to represent. ... I have not been thrust forward 
as the candidate of any group or faction." 50 He advanced 11 principles 
as the essence of his candidacy: 

1. To relieve land from the unjust burden of taxation ; 

2. To foster all that makes for progress with emphasis upon moral and 
spiritual factors; 

3. To get a dollar's worth of public service for every dollar of taxes paid ; 

4. To end a policy of special favors and privileges in the State's ad- 
ministration ; 

5. To call the people to a renewed devotion to law and order ; 

6. To encourage farm ownership and make farm life attractive; 

7. To establish election and primary laws that will end the power of 
money in politics ; 

46 Josiah W. Bailey to Locke Craig, November 28, 1923, Bailey Papers. 
* 7 Josiah W. Bailey to Locke Craig, November 28, 1923, Bailey Papers. 

48 Josiah W. Bailey to Locke Craig, November 28, 1923, Bailey Papers. 

49 Josiah W. Bailey to Locke Craig, November 28, 1923, Bailey Papers. 
80 The News and Observer, January 17, 1924. 

Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 203 

8. To set the trend of progress strongly in the direction of local self- 
government ; 

9. To renew the Democratic Party's spirit by direct contact with its 
constituents and by full and free discussion ; 

10. To break down within the Democratic Party a political machine that 
seeks power only to serve itself ; 

11. To evoke the unrelenting assertion of the public will as the way to 
economy, just freight rates, justice in taxation and agricultural relief. 51 

With his campaign promisingly begun, Bailey gave every sign of 
embarking upon a fast-moving and hard-hitting contest. His recognized 
opponent for the nomination, Angus W. McLean, had made no public 
statement of the date upon which he would formally announce. 
McLean continued to follow a policy of noncommitment regarding the 
gubernatorial race, while permitting his followers to push his candi- 
dacy. 52 Between January 17 and March 10, 1924, however, Bailey 
presented fewer than three speeches per week of which only six were 
avowedly political addresses. 53 If the press of North Carolina accurately 
reflected the political situation, he was chiefly engaged in a letter- 
writing rather than a speaking campaign. He had hardly announced his 
candidacy before he was embroiled in several editorial controversies 
with various newspapers, which were as prolonged as they were in- 
decisive. 54 

Opening his speaking campaign at Raleigh on March 10, 1924, with 
an aggressive program of governmental action, Bailey discussed for 
more than an hour and a half "The Way of Progress in North Caro- 
lina." Commenting on the direct relations of politics to human welfare, 
he explained that there were "500,000 homes in North Carolina of 
which 450,000 were cottages wherein resided families on incomes less 
than $2,000 per year and that at least 350,000 of these families were 
living on less than $900 per year." 55 He averred that the State faced 
three great tasks in the next ten years, which could be classified in 
terms of securing just freight rates, equal taxation, and a political 

51 The News and Observer, January 17, 1924. 

89 The News and Observer, January 1, 1924. 

M See, for example, The News and Observer, the Durham Morning Herald, and The 
Charlotte Observer, January 17, 1924, to March 10, 1924. 

54 See, for example, The Charlotte Observer, January 19, 1924, to February 20, 1924. 
A total of 13 letters and editorials were exchanged between Bailey and Wade H. Harris, 
the Editor of The Charlotte Observer, and its Raleigh correspondent, Brock Barkley. 
The controversy was on a personal level and was consequently very bitter. Bailey's 
participation did little to enhance his image before the voters, but he did force Harris 
and Barkley to reveal the offices they held under the Morrison administration and the 
salaries they received. Harris as President of the North Carolina Railroad Company 
received $95 a month, while Barkley as Secretary to the North Carolina Water Trans- 
portation Commission received $150 a month. The Charlotte Observer, January 23, 

65 The News and Observer, March 11, 1924. 

204 The North Carolina Historical Review 


awakening and restoration of representative government. Emphasizing 
that relief for the farmer and small homeowner composed the im- 
mediate task, Bailey said: "The official records show that the average 
farmer pays 13 per cent of his income in taxes. The average for the 
rest of us is only 11 per cent. . . . Our tax problem is primarily one of 
readjusting the burden." 56 

Adjustment of taxation was the most urgent problem, but in Bailey's 
opinion the adverse and unfair freight rates under which the people 
suffered presented the greatest obstacle in the way of progress. The 
railroads, he contended, had conspired to exploit North Carolina's 
failure to secure a through line from the middle west. So-called inde- 
pendent short lines had been set up by the large railroads and were 
permitted by law to charge higher freight rates because of their in- 
dependence. "Our history is a history of the dismemberment of our 
east and west roads. . . . Let us not be content with filing petitions and 
begin making demands. The railroads are not more powerful than this 
commonwealth," Bailey insisted. 57 

The Raleigh address set out the main issues which Bailey planned 
to develop in his campaign. During the following months he ham- 
mered at these points with little deviation. He professed, "I may not 
be elected Governor; but one thing is certain; I am going to inform the 
people." 58 His presentation of the problems confronting North Caro- 
lina constituted an almost singlehanded endeavor, since his organiza- 
tion was woefully inadequate. Bailey had not yet selected a State-wide 
manager for his campaign, much less marshaled the aid of possible 
county managers. His organizational difficulties were peculiar to almost 
any insurgent candidate in his first State race. Although he was known 
throughout North Carolina and had made valuable political contacts 
in his campaigns on behalf of Senator Simmons, he had not worked 
formerly to create ties of personal loyalty to himself. This lack of per- 
sonal political "friends" worked to his disadvantage now, since most 
of the regular party organizers hesitated to work for him after Simmons 
had strongly endorsed McLean. 59 

As an insurgent candidate, Bailey could not personally command 
the regular party machinery for distributing publicity, advising on 
local issues, arranging rallies, and marshaling campaign workers. 
As a consequence, he counted heavily on the ideas he had broadcast 

68 Greensboro Daily News, March 11, 1924. 

* 7 Greensboro Daily Nevjs, March 11, 1924. 

68 Josiah W. Bailey to Walter Clark, March 22, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

60 Personal interview with A. J. Fletcher, August 20, 1959. Fletcher assisted Bailey 
in the early campaign management and later spoke on Bailey's behalf in many of the 


through speeches, letters, and newspapers, to arouse a significant 
following. He believed: 

Very few votes are made by personal solicitation or political maneuvers. 
Some votes are made by spending money, and a few by telling lies, but 
the great body of our people vote in response to instinctive impulses — and 
these impulses are always derived from ideas spread abroad. It is a difficult 
thing to comprehend ; but this is the theory of all my politics. I think in 
the next 30 or 40 days, you will see a great manifestation of public senti- 
ment; and it will be accounted for in this theory. 60 

Although Bailey's theories may have been sound, his lack of an or- 
ganization seriously hampered his efforts to arouse the voters, establish 
the issues of his campaign, and reveal the tactics used against him. 
Just two months before the primary, Judge Walter Clark advised, "Of 
course it has not escaped you that the campaign of the Opposition 
was to postpone and prevent any discussion as long as possible and 
after that to 'chill' any debate so that the news that there is opposition, 
and the ground of it, shall not reach the masses and from information 
I get, they are succeeding in this far more than you are doubtless 

99 61 


Bailey's position regarding campaign expenses was noteworthy, 
for he not only intended to abide by the North Carolina law limiting 
political expenditures to $6,500, but also provided that amount from 
his own pocket. When a supporter sent him a check, Bailey returned it 
with the following note: 

I very greatly appreciate your letter and also your kindness in sending the 
check. I made up my mind, however, when I announced my candidacy, that 
I would accept no contributions whatever. I think you see why ; I provided 
the sum alloted by law ($6,500), and also made provision for the support 
of my family these 5 months. 62 

His reluctance to accept contributions coincided with his whole atti- 
tude concerning campaign expenses. In conscientiously keeping the 
law, he was often hard pressed to explain his course to supporters who 
pointed out that a little money discreetly placed in the counties might 
sway the primary. 63 Not only did he refuse such suggestions, but he 
also turned his back on requests that he pay potential campaign 
workers. 64 His soft replies may have turned his supporters' wrath, but 

60 Josiah W. Bailey to J. M. Parrott, March 22, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

61 Walter Clark to Josiah W. Bailey, April 5, 1924, Bailey Papers. 
68 Josiah W. Bailey to D. L. Gore, February 15, 1924, Bailey Papers. 
63 Joseph W. Bailey to D. C. Weeks, February 29, 1924, Bailey Papers. 
61 Josiah W. Bailey to J. J. Thomas, April 2, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

206 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Bailey himself deeply resented the promptings. Writing to a close 
personal friend, he protested: 

I think that one of the most deplorable facts that I know of is that our 
candidates are disposed to spend more than the law allows . . . and that in 
the many counties there are so-called "workers" who expect from $25 to 
$500 for their influence. ... I would rather be beat, than pay one cent 
for influence in a political fight. . . . My news continues to be good, and 
the only discouraging feature is the constant demand for money from 
grafters ; I am turning all of them down — flatly. 65 

On April 17, 1924, Bailey announced that C. L. Shuping, a Greens- 
boro attorney and the Guilford County manager for R. N. Page in the 
1920 gubernatorial primary, had been chosen to manage his State-wide 
campaign. 66 Shuping immediately assumed charge of the Bailey head- 
quarters in Raleigh and began the delicate task of recruiting county 
leaders. During the next month he worked with considerable success 
to perfect the county organizations. Some difficulty still existed, of 
course, in recruiting able and determined workers, but in many com- 
munities the Bailey organizations developed with surprising success. 
In Greensboro 41 supporters met on the night of April 23, 1924, at 
the Guilford County Courthouse to form a "Bailey for Governor Club." 
They brought with them a roster containing the names of 381 persons 
pledging their support, and formulated detailed plans for boosting 
Bailey's candidacy. 67 Although Shuping searched unsuccessfully in 
some counties for managers, nevertheless, by mid-May he had set up 
some form of organization in almost every county. 

Leaving the problems of organization in the capable hands of 
Shuping, Bailey struck out on a speaking tour of North Carolina which 
he confidently announced would continue until the primary on June 
7, 1924. 68 Carrying his appeal directly to the voters, he drew large 
crowds at his speeches in Wake, Nash, Durham, Johnson, Cleveland, 
Northampton, Edgecombe, and Franklin counties in the first two 
weeks. The subject of his speeches remained always the same— tax- 
ation, freight rates, and machine politics, but his single-mindedness 
caught the attention of the voters. The Greensboro Daily News re- 

In the Greensboro News six weeks ago it was recorded that the Bailey 
tax speeches were getting next to the voters, so much so that easterners 

05 Josiah W. Bailey to Tom P. Jimison, March 22, 1924, Bailey Papers. 
66 The News and Observer, April 18, 1924. 
97 Greensboro Daily News, April 24, 1924. 
68 The News and Observer, April 17, 1924. 

Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 207 

declared a party statement would be necessary. Since then the state con- 
vention has met. Its platform was admirably adapted to Bailey's speeches 
but not purposely so. It was broad as a Cincinnati block. ... It promises 
millennial peace to every discontented tax-payer and Bailey is discontent- 
ing a pile of them. 69 

On May 1, 1924, when the State Bar Association met at Pinehurst, 
the lawyers favoring McLean seriously admitted that "Mr. Bailey 
must be watched because he is making a strong appeal to the rural 
people." 70 

Moving into the western section of North Carolina in the first week 
of May, Bailey told a cheering throng at Thomasville that the State 
faced four important questions. On the question of taxes, he held that 
the State must give back to the counties more of the burdens of gov- 
ernment. Until that had been done, he argued,- land taxes would con- 
tinue to increase. The problem of machine control of the Democratic 
Party and the State could be corrected, he advised, only by adoption 
of the Australian ballot and court review of election results, which 
together would provide secrecy in voting and make the purchase of 
votes difficult. Bailey promised not only to resist the freight rate dis- 
crimination against the State, but also to fight the proposed increase 
of rates, pointing out that the Atlantic Coast Line and the Southern 
Railway paid large dividends to stockholders on watered common 
stock. He further pledged to institute a program of economy in the 
expenditure of public money, and noted that the Morrison administra- 
tion was notoriously and boastfully supporting his opponent. "It looks 
to me," he observed, "at any rate that they think I mean business when 
I said I would get a dollar's worth of service for a dollar's taxes." 71 

Bailey's speeches were clearly designed to inculcate in the minds of 
the voters a suspicion that certain vested interests used the State gov- 
ernment to their own profit. He had also presented the implication that 
these interests greatly feared the election of a reform governor. On 
May 12, 1924, N. Y. Gulley, an ardent Bailey supporter, carried these 
implications to their logical conclusion in a political advertisement 
entitled: "What the Atlantic Coast Line has at Stake in the Guberna- 
torial Race." 72 Gulley revealed that McLean had been President of 
the Virginia-Carolina Railroad Company, running to Lumberton, and 
connecting the Atlantic Coast Line near Hope Mills, until January 2, 
1924, when he had resigned to run for the governorship. According 

69 Greensboro Daily News, April 28, 1924. 
r0 Greensboro Daily News, April 28, 1924. 

71 Speech of Josiah W. Bailey at Thomasville on May 2, 1924, Bailey Papers. 
79 The News and Observer, May 12, 1924. 

208 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to Gulley, the Virginia-Carolina Railroad claimed the right to charge 
higher rates because of its independence. 

Yet all this time, every dollar of the stock (while it stood on the books of 
the company, in the name of Mr. A. W. McLean), was really owned by 
the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad company, and was held by that company 
endorsed in blank by Mr. McLean. 73 

This accusation certainly implied that McLean himself had col- 
laborated with the large railroads in the exploitation of North Caro- 
lina, and supported similar charges made by Bailey himself. Gulley 
observed further that there was considerable evidence to indicate that 
the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad Company was financing McLean's 
campaign in order to maintain a hold on the next State administration. 
In concluding, he impugned, "Mr. McLean is an honorable man. . . . 
But the men or interests that want Mr. McLean to be governor, are 
under no $6,500 limit, and they are spending lavishly on his behalf." 74 

By mid-May Bailey had scored heavily against McLean, and his 
campaign had aroused support throughout the State. According to 
the Greensboro Daily News, McLean's candidacy had been hurt by 
"the popular resentment toward the Simmons partisanship in this fight, 
and the growing suspicion about election laws." 75 Nevertheless, Bailey 
still faced formidable opposition from several fronts. In the first place 
the old Simmons machine, although enfeebled by the loss of Bailey's 
services, possessed sufficient strength to be a major factor. Secondly, 
the newly-formed organization of "O. Max Gardner, John Dawson, 
D. F. Giles, Lindsay Warren and the other young Turks" had allied 
temporarily with the Simmons' forces against Bailey. 76 Finally, there 
was the personal opposition to Bailey which, although a growing party, 
"isn't likely to become attached to either of the old factions." 77 Al- 
though this analysis of the factions resisting Bailey may have been 
slightly exaggerated, it did indicate the extensive opposition confront- 
ing him. 

In the final swing of his campaign before audiences in Lenoir, 
Greene, and Wayne counties on June 5, 1924, Bailey confessed, "The 
fight is yours, I have finished my part and I leave the rest to you. . . . 
But if I am not nominated I shall go right on, joining in the common 
battle against the Republicans in November, but not quitting my fight 

78 The News and Observer, May 12, 1924. 

74 The News and Observer, May 12, 1924. 

75 Greensboro Daily News, May 12, 1924. 
78 Greensboro Daily News, May 12, 1924. 
77 Greensboro Daily News, May 12, 1924. 

Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 209 

to reform the Democratic party." 78 The correspondent assigned to 
Bailey's campaign by The News and Observer aptly summarized the 

His speeches today reflected the strange admixture of confidence and in- 
difference which has made the Bailey campaign a marvel to everyone in 
the State except the candidate. All the way through ... he has had his own 
idea about the way things were going and has not appeared surprised at 
developments. When the Bailey showing at the State convention was so 
small as to be pitiful, the candidate did not seem perturbed. . . . About 
two weeks ago when his dormant strength suddenly crystalized, Bailey 
took it just as calmly. Now on the eve of the primary, when his opponents 
and his friends alike seem confident of the result, he takes the situation 
in the same spirit. 79 

This insight hit upon the strangest aspect of Bailey's candidacy and 
campaign, for outside his public statements and occasional flashes of 
personal optimism, he had never believed that he would win the nomi- 
nation. Both his attitude and method of campaigning indicated that 
he aimed first to inform the people and only second to win the nomina- 
tion. Beginning with the full understanding that he would be a per- 
sonal candidate, he had appealed directly to the people, and there he 
rested his cause. Instead of hiring workers, he had asked for and re- 
ceived hundreds of volunteers. The response to his candidacy had 
greatly encouraged him, but he faced tremendous opposition. 

As the polls opened on Saturday, June 7, 1924, the people of North 
Carolina streamed 235,000 strong to make known their choice for gov- 
ernor. Slowly mounting returns from the 100 counties, representing 
1,719 precincts, moved McLean's majority steadily toward the 50,000 
mark. The final majority of A. W. McLean over J. W. Bailey was 
officially declared by the Election Board to be 67,624, with McLean 
carrying 83 of the 100 counties by majorities ranging from ten votes 
to 4,000. The total vote was 151,197 for McLean to 83,574 for Bailey. 80 

In the face of defeat, Bailey issued a formal statement on Monday, 
June 9, 1924, pledging his continued support to the Democratic Party. 
In this serious expression of the aims of his candidacy, he affirmed: 

Five months ago I set out upon an undertaking — being nothing less than 
to interpret the spirit of Progressive Democracy in our Commonwealth. 
... I stated as the principle of this undertaking that politics ought not 
to be regarded as the means of power or honors or office or privilege, but 

78 The News and Observer, June 6, 1924. 

79 The News and Observer, June 6, 1924. 

The News and Observer, June 19, 1924. 

210 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Governor Angus Wilton McLean in his office, probably taken in 1928. From Albert 
Barden Collection in the State Department of Archives and History. 

as the means of maintaining human rights and welfare and progress. ... I 
undertook to apply these principles throughout the campaign in terms of 
a sound and just taxation system ; just freight rates, election and primary 
laws providing every facility for the expression of the will of the voters 
and preventing the power of money in politics; and economic administra- 
tion of public affairs. 81 

Bailey also noted that the number of persons supporting his cause 
afforded substantial encouragement and that no good cause was ever 
defeated. In concluding his statement, Bailey urged, "Let us press on 
with patience born of courage and confidence founded upon faith in 
the right. We are at the beginning, not the end of our struggle." 82 

Throughout Bailey's campaign there had been a subtle sense of 
perspective extending far beyond the June primary. His comments on 
his defeat reinforced the supposition that his campaign had been more 
than a battle to win the Democratic gubernatorial nomination. Two 
days before the primary, John E. White, an old schoolmate and a close 
personal friend of Bailey, remarked to a newspaper correspondent: 

81 The News and Observer, June 10, 1924. 
83 The News and Observer, June 10, 1924. 

Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 211 

"He has told me all along in letters and personally that he cannot 
carry the State . . . but Bailey has the long view. He has something 
else in his mind. He isn't done. He has just begun." 83 Although White 
let slip only a few hints to the correspondent, he declared himself 
fully to Bailey on June 10, 1924: 

Well, what I think you anticipated in your race for Governor came to pass. 
. . . My own judgment of the situation is this: You have vastly increased 
your political and moral prestige in North Carolina. You had to overcome 
— and you did it — two tides — the tides of inertia about change . . . and 
the tide of personal criticism. When you come as you probably will before 
the public again these tides will be through running. Max Gardner will 
fall into your footsteps, and when he runs for Governor it will be in the 
animus of his unforgotten defeat by Morrison and his resentment of the 
machine. If Simmons lives four years more and the field is open for a new 
deal in the U.S. Senatorship, no man in the field could defeat you. 84 

The validity of White's insight was indicated by Bailey's reply: 


Your estimate of the campaign is pleasing. Gardner and I are not likely 
to become political brothers. I think he wants to be Governor at any cost. 
He will probably offer an alliance with me. . . . Our cause has been pretty 
well advanced; and I have no question about our opportunity arriving 
in due season. 85 

If there could have been any doubt that Bailey looked to future 
triumphs, the tone of his letters following the primary dispelled the 
illusion. Bailey wrote, "I think we made a very fine start. . . . The 
present situation will break down rapidly— there will be developments 
which none of us now anticipate." 86 On his campaign, he reaffirmed, 
"What we needed was a stronger organization; this we will obtain in 
due season. . . . We did probably as well as we could have hoped in 
the first campaign." 87 In his most definitive statement, however, he 

Events will develop quite rapidly. I do not hesitate to say to you that I am 
going to hold the trust committed to me. ... I believe there are at least 

83 Greensboro Daily News, June 9, 1924. 

84 John E. White to Josiah W. Bailey, June 10, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

85 Josiah W. Bailey to John E. White, July 9, 1924, Bailey Papers. "I supported 
Gardner in 1928 on a specific promise to stand for an Australian Ballot law. He gave 
me the promise in writing and he performed it." Josiah W. Bailey to Walter Mont- 
gomery, June 12, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

80 Josiah W. Bailey to R. G. Grady, and to E. F. Upchurch, June 30, 1924, Bailey 
87 Josiah W. Bailey to S. A. Adams, July 9, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

212 The North Carolina Historical Review 


83,600 people who will stand with me; and I think there will be many 
more. . . . This is quite an army. It will not go to pieces. 88 

Although he did not specifically reveal his future plans, he had ap- 
parently evaluated the political situation with some goal in mind 
Bailey concluded: 

I am satisfied that the present line-up cannot be maintained. The Simmons 
and Gardner coalition will not last. Whenever it breaks, I will be in a 
position to move — and I shall move. 89 

Bailey's campaign, although generally constructive, was gauged to 
draw support from regions of North Carolina most rife with discontent. 
The conflict between the rural-agrarian east and the urban-industrial 
west over taxation admirably suited his purposes. His repeated calls 
for a readjustment of taxation probably appealed to the rampant sec- 
tional feelings of the west, while his pleas for agricultural redemption 
and just freight rates found favor chiefly in the east. The coupling of 
the two issues, however, had a canceling effect in centers of urban in- 
dustry, for Bailey used both taxation and freight rate issues in his 
appeal to the farm vote and offered little, if any, concession to indus- 
trial and big business interests. 

The nature of Bailey's campaign may have influenced the outcome 
of the Democratic Primary of 1924, for he received the most intense 
support from eastern counties and suffered his worst defeats in the 
west. On the other hand, the patch of northeastern counties in which 
he won his easiest victories were traditionally antiorganization. The 
Simmons' machine was avowedly aligned with big business and in- 
dustrial interests in the west, although Simmons himself had strong 
personal strength in the southeast around his home. Angus W. McLean, 
a native of Robeson County in southern North Carolina, drew large 
majorities as expected from neighboring counties. In the northwest 
and in the southwest Bailey met two centers of resistance: the one in 
Iredell County, which was the preserve of Bailey's arch-enemy, A. D. 
Watts, and the other in Cleveland County, from which O. Max 
Gardner had extended his influence throughout the State. In view of 
the loose coalition of high State officials and of the two factional or- 
ganizations within the Democratic Party supporting McLean, Bailey 
undoubtedly anticipated defeat. Yet if he did not believe he could win 
the contest, why had he entered so boldly? 

Bailey's experience in State and local politics had been considerable, 

88 Josiah W. Bailey to Santford Martin, July 5, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

89 Josiah W. Bailey to Santford Martin, July 5, 1924, Bailey Papers. 

Josiah W. Bailey's 1924 Campaign 213 

but never before had he sought a high elective office. If he was ever to 
rise above his position as a local bureaucrat, he needed to signal vividly 
his political availability, while at the same time to draw about him a 
nucleus of loyal supporters and dependable organizers. As an individual 
and as an insurgent candidate he had no established party hierarchy of 
State and county chairmen and precinct committeemen to carry his 
message to the voters. Although he did have personal friends of varying 
political usefulness around the State, his maior task was to secure com- 
petent county managers and allied helpers. His refusal to hire campaign 
workers may be seen as a deliberate strategem calculated to build a 
personal organization dependent entirely on volunteers. Such a follow- 
ing attracted without inducements, money, or hope of reward might be 
too weak to achieve more than a nominal showing in the first State-wide 
race. This kind of organization would, however, be more likely to 
survive campaign after campaign no matter how overwhelming the 
victory or how crushing the defeat. Bailey, entering a contest he knew 
he could not win, created for himself an image of party regularity 
and of political and social reform, while simultaneously developing an 
organization based upon personal allegiance. Although many elements 
were to be involved in Bailey's victory over Senator Furnifold M. 
Simmons in 1930, the keystone of his rise to political power was the 
gubernatorial campaign of 1924. 90 


The Simmons and Gardner coalition was a loose alignment at best and disintegrated 
completely in the 1928 presidential primary. In 1930 Gardner supported Bailey in his 
contest with Simmons for the Democratic nomination for Senator from North Carolina. 



By I. Noel Hume* 

The rather glib title which I coined for this speech a year ago— long 
before I started to give it any serious thought was "Archaeology: 
Handmaiden to History." I planned merely to provide a series of 
examples which would show how historians and archaeologists should 
and can work together to the advantage of both. I still intend to do 
this. But during the last few months I have been becoming increas- 
ingly alarmed about the unwitting and uncaring destruction of archae- 
ological remains not only in my own State of Virginia, but up and 
down the eastern seaboard. I hasten to add that I have not had the 
privilege of working in the State of North Carolina. It may be that 
you are not beset with the problems of apathy and ignorance in 
archaeological matters which I have met so often in the course of my 
travels in neighboring States, in which case you are very fortunate— 
and I have chosen the wrong subject for this audience. 

But because I am stuck with this theme and because I actually feel 
very strongly about it, I am going to assume that your interests and 
problems are much the same as mine. 

The role and usefulness of the historian to federal, State, and local 
history is well known, understood, and generally respected. But the 
place of the archaeologist in the historic period is not nearly so well 
known, is generally not fully understood, and he can rarely claim to 
be respected. There are plenty of good reasons why this state of 
affairs exists. In the first place, the historic site archaeologist is gen- 
erally tarred (and probably feathered) with the same brush as the 
small but ubiquitous groups of pot-hunters and collectors of Indian 
relics. Let me hasten to say that I am not underestimating the im- 
portance of prehistoric archaeology or the scholars, both professional 
and amateur, who have devoted their lives and labors to that field, nor 
am I confusing them with the pot-hunters. But, just like any activity 
that acquires popular appeal, prehistoric archaeology has at the same 
time been blessed with more than its fair share of cranks and oppor- 

*Mr. Noel Hume, Chief Archaeologist at Colonial Williamsburg, Virginia, presented 
this article as an after-luncheon speech at the twenty-third annual meeting of the 
North Carolina Society for the Preservation of Antiquities in Raleigh on December 5. 

Archaeology: Handmaiden to History 215 

tunists. As a result, the popular image of the archaeologist seems to 
be an extraordinary cross between a cobwebbed Methuselah and a 
rather sharp-looking youth with a shovel who is unable to read "No 
Trespassing" signs. 

Until recently, historic site archaeology has been largely ignored by 
both professionals and amateurs— and also, thankfully, by the pot- 
hunters. But this is now rapidly changing. Only a few weeks ago I 
visited an important Colonial site along with members of a local 
archaeological group who had hitherto concerned themselves only 
with Indian relics. After picking up considerable quantities of eigh- 
teenth-century pottery, glass, and metal items, the wife of the leader 
of the group came up to me and said, "Fancy our having spent all 
these years hunting for Indian relics, walking miles for one arrow head, 
when we can have such fun collecting these Colonial relics so easily." 
The temporary nature of many Indian habitation sites, coupled with 
the disturbing agencies of wind, rain, vegetation and plowing, together 
ensure that surface collecting can be extremely informative— largely 
because there is often very little else that one can do. But in historic 
archaeology there is so much that can, and must be done. Surface 
collecting does no more than indicate the approximate location and 
date range of the site. Such collecting is merelv a very small means to 
what is generally a large, time-consuming and back-breaking end. In 
short, the amateur collector who frequently does valuable work in the 
field of Indian archaeology cannot expect to turn chameleon-like into 
a historic archaeologist, just by setting himself down on a Colonial site, 

I have been a professional archaeologist for 16 years, during most 
of which time I have specialized in the period from about 1485 to 
1820. My background is entirely European and, consequently, I would 
not dare— I would not presume— to attempt to excavate an Indian site. 
I do not have the right kind of knowledge to do so. Similarly, unless 
the Indian specialist has a deep and catholic knowledge of the history, 
arts, technology, manners, customs, and possessions of the people who 
lived on the Colonial or Federal sites on which he plans to die— he 
might be advised to leave them alone. The historic site archaeologist 
is a new breed— he is actually a historian with a pen in one hand and 
a trowel in the other. Unfortunately, he is still quite a rare bird, but 
I am happy to be able to note that he seems to thrive extremely well 
in North Carolina. 

The archaeologist is, of course, merely a means to an end. But what 
is that end? What is the purpose of archaeology in the historic period? 
Assuming that its excavated artifacts are still not generally sought by 

216 The North Carolina Historical Review 


collectors, the answer is simply that the only reason for archaeological 
interest in the historic period is to obtain, not relics, but information. 

In the case of a restoration project such as Old Salem or Colonial 
Williamsburg, the archaeological evidence can be employed in three 
different ways. First, it provides architectural and topographical data 
which will be used in restoring or reconstructing houses, shops, gar- 
dens, dairies, smokehouses, privies, and the like. Secondly, excavation 
yields information as to the furnishing of the houses and, in the case 
of crafts or industrial sites, it often reveals both tools and products. 
The third, and to my mind the most interesting dividend, stems from 
a combination of the other two, the provision of information which 
helps to reconstruct and interpret the social history of the period. 

All three of these archaeological contributions serve a practical and 
physical purpose when a house or a glass factory, or a town, or what- 
ever it is, is being restored. If that information adds to available writ- 
ten historical data, it acquires a historical value of its own. 

Take, for example, the National Park Service excavation of the 
seventeenth-century glass factory at Jamestown. None of the documen- 
tary evidence gave any description of the furnace or of its ancillary 
ovens, but those details were provided through excavation. Now the 
documents did tell us what one of the glassmaking ventures was in- 
tended to manufacture and consequently many people have assumed 
that those objects were actually produced. Everyone who has read 
anything about the beginnings of American glassmaking has heard of 
"Tamestown beads." But the excavations yielded not the slightest in- 
dication that beads were made there and so we must modify our 
interpretation of the written history, and refrain from confusing intent 
with achievement. Through this admittedly negative evidence, archae- 
osy made a very real contribution to the early history of American 
glassmaking. It has done as much, and more, for other trades in other 
places— ironworking, brickmaking, potting, silversmithing, pewtering, 

The history of early eighteenth-century industry in Virginia and the 
Carolinas is somewhat obscured by the fact that the British Board of 
Trade frowned on the setting up of anv manufacturing enterprises 
which might damage the export trade of the Mother Country. Conse- 
quently, the factory operators, and even the Colonial governors went 
to considerable lengths to play down the importance of manufac- 
turing projects and even to keep them out of the records altogether. 
Thus a man who is well known to us as having been a merchant 
in Yorktown, Virginia, in the 1720's is only revealed through his 

Archaeology: Handmaiden to History 217 

will, as having been the prosperous operator of a pottery factory, 
the single clue being a passing reference in that will to his desire 
that no "green" (that is, unfired) pottery should be appraised after 
his death. Who but a potter would be in possession of unfired pot- 
tery? Thus, merchant William Rogers of Yorktown, Virginia, was 
belatedly found to have been the owner of a pottery— undoubtedly 
the same pottery whose waste products had been frequently dis- 
covered in archaeological work in the town. Fragments of spoiled 
pots and kiln furniture were found to have been used in making 
good the roads of Yorktown, a discovery which assumed much 
greater significance after Rogers was known to have been the potter— 
for in 1734 he had been appointed "Surveyor of the Landings, Streets, 
and Cosways in York Town." Clearly he had used fragments of his 
pottery in repairing the roads under his jurisdiction. 

The story of William Rogers is just one example of the way in which 
written history can deliberately distort and obscure, and how archae- 
ology can sometimes set the record straight. I have no doubt that there 
were a great many small industrial enterprises dotted through the 
woods of which there is not the slightest documentary knowledge, 
and— if we are ever to know anything of them at all— we must relv 
entirely on the sharp eye and good luck of the archaeologist. And luck 
does plav a very large part in the life of an archaeologist. 

A couple of years ago, while fishing on the James River, about three 
miles above Jamestown, my wife decided to go ashore and sit on the 
beach. As we grounded the boat she saw a fragment of eighteenth- 
century pottery lying at the water's edge. I then walked along the 
shore and picked up many more pieces, some of them waste products 
from a pottery kiln. The beach lay below a rapidly eroding cliff and 
it did not take long to find where the fragments were coming from. 
We climbed up on top of the cliff and discovered that although the 
kiln had been eroded away, the potter's waste dumps survived. The 
excavation of the remaining areas yielded thousands of fragments 
which not onlv identified a wide range of products, but through the 
wasters, provided much information about the type of kiln used and 
problems of manufacture. About 75 yards to the east was found an- 
other kiln site whose potter was far less skilled than the first. Close bv, 
in a shallow drainage ditch, lay a magnificent collection of iron tools, 
also a sword blade, a seventeenth-century brass candlestick, locks, 
stirrups, bridle bits, pewter spoons, and other metal objects. A rubbish 
pit was already exposed in the side of the cliff as also was a brick-lined 
well— and both were eventually excavated. 

218 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Eighteen months ago this site was at least a mile from the nearest 
road, under heavy woodland and protected on two sides by swamp. It 
was only approachable from the water. Today it is part of a housing 
development, one house is already up, within 15 yards of our 1962 
excavations— all of which have been graded out in the course of land- 
scaping the cliff down to the river. Had my wife not wanted to beach 
our boat that summer day back in 1961, the site and all it contained 
would have been swept away unnoticed. And thus one of Virginia's 
earliest industrial efforts would have been lost without trace, for no 
references to it occur in the known documentary records. 

In 1960 bulldozers clearing for a reforestation project near Williams- 
burg cut through the remains of a Colonial plantation site which was 
not marked on any of the existing maps and plats. Again luck was on 
our side; one of our landscaping people happened to be walking over 
the site and picked up a few scraps of pottery which he brought in to 
me. Working on week ends we were able to uncover what was left 
of the foundations of both the residence and a kitchen building. Under 
the chimney of the kitchen, and so predating it, we found a large 
rubbish pit which contained more than 100 broken wine bottles of the 
period 1690-1710. One of the bottles bore the seal of Richard Bur- 
bydge and was dated 1701. This was the earliest dated bottle yet 
found in Virginia. The records told us only that Burbydge was living 
in James City County in 1710, at which time his name appeared on 
a list of residents who inspected a ship lying in the James River. Not 
another word did we know of him. We do not know much more now. 
But we can say that he was a person of some substance, for the num- 
ber of Virginia Colonists who had such elaborate seals to be engraved 
for marking their bottles, was very small. 

But more important to the site was the discovery in the pit of five 
other bottles bearing seals stamped with the initials "F.J." Another 
similar seal was found in a different pit on another part of the site. 
So six "F.J/s" to one Burbydge made it probable that "F.J." was the 
owner of the plantation and that Burbydge was merely a friend who 
gave "F.J." a bottle of his wine. The County Records had been 
destroyed in Richmond during the War Between the States, and so 
I did not expect that we would have much luck in identifying "F.J." 
But I was wrong. He turned out to be Frederick Jones, quite a promi- 
nent person in the Colony— or at least his father had been. Capt. Roger 
Jones had come over with Lord Culpeper in 1680 and had been given 
the job of stamping out piracy in the Chesapeake Bay. But Jones soon 
found that collusion was less effort and infinitely more profitable, 

Archaeology: Handmaiden to History 219 

and as a result he amassed a large estate. The Council of Virginia, 
although all for private enterprise, thought that this was going a bit 
far, and Captain Jones was eventually run out of the Colony. When 
he died in London in 1701, his two sons, Frederick and Thomas Jones, 
inherited the Jones lands in Virginia and came over in 1702. We found 
a reference to Frederick Jones owning property at Tutter's or Tutties 
Neck, and our site was on Tutter's Neck Creek. 

The Jones brothers may have had interests in North Carolina before 
they came over, for as early as 1702 they were ioint owners of a ten-ton 
sloop the "Otto of Carolina." In 1703 Frederick was indulging in litiga- 
tion here, and in 1707 he received a grant of more than 4,500 acres in 
parts of what are now Jones and Craven counties. Shortlv afterwards 
he moved here from Virginia, and eventually rose to be Chief Justice 
of the Colony, succeeding Secretary Tobias Knight, who had resigned 
after being too closely associated with Blackbeard, the pirate. It would 
seem that Jones plunged into his new job with an enthusiasm that 
would have gladdened the heart of his late father. In 1721 Frederick 
was accused of appropriating court money given into his hands for 
safekeeping. But five davs after the charge was tabled, Tones made his 
will, and then convenientlv died before he could be called to account. 

You may wonder what all this had to do with archaeology. My point 
is that thanks to archaeology we now know where Frederick Jones 
lived before he moved to Carolina, and we know something of his 
standard of living— as revealed by the size of the house and the arti- 
facts that were found around it. If you want to bring it down to the 
level of simple museum exhibits, the initialed Frederick Jones bottles 
are of considerable historical interest both to Virginia and to North 
Carolina. More important, however, was the lead which those bottles 
gave us toward tracing the history of the property. Once they had 
established Jones' ownership, it was possible to trace the subsequent 
story of the land through the eighteenth century. Without them we 
would not have had the first idea of where to start. As a by-product I 
might add that the discovery of the Jones home site launched us on a 
purely historical research proiect into the lives of both brothers, an 
undertaking which we would not have started without first being 
prompted by the archaeology. 

The results of this work will eventually be published by the Smith- 
sonian and I hope that they will serve not only as a useful contribution 
to historic site archaeology, but that they will also demonstrate how 
archaeology and history complement each other, to show how the two 
disciplines combine to give the past a new dimension. 

220 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I would like, if I may, to say a word or two about this new dimen- 
sion. The fruits of historic site archaeology can do much to make the 
work of historians more palatable to the public, particularly at the 
school level. The dedicated and painstaking work of the historian is 
hard to project in a visual form, in museum exhibits, slide-lectures, 
in movies or on television. You must admit, I think, that there is noth- 
ing very exciting from a filmic point of view, about a historian making 
a discovery in say, an old diary— unless he is prepared to leap up and 
throw himself out of the window in his exuberance. Similarly, a 
museum exhibit of old land plats is not particularly provocative unless 
the visitor already has a definite interest in that particular property. 
It is equally hard to give a slide-lecture about, say, Frederick Jones, 
and expect the average audience to be interested when your only 
illustrations are of sections of his will or pages from the Colonial 
Records. But the fact that we can show people the foundations of his 
house and drawings or model reconstructions of how it may have 
looked; the fact that we can show them his wine bottles, the plates, 
cutlery and glasses which he used at his table— these things give 
Frederick Jones some substance— substance which can be brought 
across to the public through those visual media which are so essential 
today— in a world which is no longer willing to obtain its knowledge 
or pleasure from mere reading. 

Those of us who are concerned with studying, preserving, and pre- 
senting the past, must make use of every possible means at our dis- 
posal to achieve our goals. I do not believe that it is necessary for us 
to hide behind a mask of erudite solemnity to prove that we treat our 
work seriously. I contend that the happily vanishing breed of his- 
torians, archaeologists, and curators who shut themselves away from 
the public in psychologically constructed ivory towers and sit there 
watching them turn yellow— do neither themselves nor the past any 
service. Furthermore, I do not believe that by popularizing our work 
we are automatically guilty of lowering our standards. On the contrary, 
it can be argued that the only good reason for studying the people of 
the past is to introduce them to the public of today. If we make that 
introduction so dry and so forbidding that nobody enjoys the ex- 
perience, we have surely been wasting our time. 

In short, therefore, it is my contention that by accepting and using 
the techniques and products of archaeology the historian is not only 
able to broaden his own knowledge, but he can also make his studies 
more readily acceptable to the general public. 

Frankly, I do not believe that the much denigrated "man in the 

Archaeology: Handmaiden to History 221 

street" is nearly as disinterested as some of us suppose. One of the best 
archaeological excavators I have ever met is a colored laborer who 
works for me now. In London my team of volunteers, who gave their 
week ends to salvaging the archaeological remains of the city alter the 
war, ran the gamut from a noble lord to a meat-packer, and there was 
nothing to choose between them. If you think i am wandering from 
the pomt, let me get right back to my thesis that the public is actually 
fascinated by the past— providing we spark its interest by presenting 
our history in an exciting manner. The same is true of legislators, 
philanthropists, landowners, building contractors— more or less anyone 
with whom we are likely to come in contact in the course of our efforts 
to preserve the past, be it above ground or beneath it. An appreciation 
of the past is not a prerogative enjoyed only by the erudite, or well 
endowed; it can be understood, enjoyed, revered, and protected by 
any level of society— providing we, the custodians of the past, blow the 
dust of pedantry out of our museums and out of our own heads. 

In the early 1950s the British Broadcasting Corporation borrowed 
an American television show called "What In The World?" and re- 
named it "Animal, Vegetable, or Mineral." Perhaps you have seen the 
original. In it, museum curators, archaeologists, anthropologists, ethno- 
logists, and such— like strange birds, were shown an object and asked 
to identify and discuss it. The British public suddenly found that those 
people were not nearly as dull and dry as they had supposed. The 
public also reveled in finding that the experts were fallible. That show 
became one of the most popular in the nation, and as a result millions 
of people discovered that archaeology was as exciting as a detective 
story. Archaeological and antiquarian societies flourished as never be- 
fore, thousands of volunteers offered their services to dig during week 
ends and on their vacations— without getting paid for it. When 
builders and vested interests threatened archaeological sites, the roar 
of popular indignation rattled the windows of Parliament. We need 
something of that fervor here. 

You can argue, of course, that we English let our Roman remains sit 
moldering in the ground for nearly 2,000 years before we started to 
care about them, so why not let America's Colonial relics lie there for 
a few centuries more until they acquire the venerable patina of an- 
tiquity. But as I have tried to show you, the mechanical monsters of 
twentieth-century progress are swallowing up the past at such a rate 
that unless we do something now, there will be nothing left in 100 
years— let alone four or five. The relics of Roman Britain and those of 
Colonial America are vanishing at the same rate and so both deserve— 
demand, precisely the same treatment. 

222 The North Carolina Historical Review 


There are, I admit, a great many people— too many— who say, why 
bother about the past at all. They may agree that an existing old build- 
ing should be saved because it is architecturally pleasing or a possible 
tourist attraction, but they can see no reason for digging up the foun- 
dations of lost structures which have no obvious visual or commercial 
appeal. The same people tell us that history is bunk. It is the present 
and the future that matter. If we are to maintain our place in the 
world's sun, we must devote all our efforts to pressing forward— not 
looking back over our shoulders. As a result of this drive we are rolling 
up the carpet behind us as we advance. The buildings that were built 
in the 1890's or the 1920's, regardless of their architectural merit are 
torn down to make way for those of the 'fifties and 'sixties, which in 
turn will be scrapped— regardless of merit— to make way for those of 
the 1990's. We are living in the age of the garbage grinder and the 
disposable everything. Nothing lasts long enough these days to become 
venerable with age, because first it becomes obsolete— and that's the 
dirtiest word you can utter in the twentieth century. Obsolescence 
cannot be tolerated, not in buildings, not in art, not in thinking, not in 
people. Throw them all on the scrap heap. They all have to be young 
to be good, and if they are young, they are good— which is why there's 
no such thing as juvenile delinquency these days, only delinquent 
parents, delinquent homes, delinquent schools. Those homes and 
schools will be torn down and replaced by fine new antiseptic boxes, 
and because these boxes must be stacked so high on top of one another, 
their foundations must go ever deeper into the ground. So all trace 
of what was there before will be, must be, swept away. This process 
is ensuring that there will be nothing left of our culture for the 
archaeologists of A.D. 3000 to dig up. 

Not only must we care, therefore, about the Colonial centuries, we 
as historians and archaeologists must concern ourselves with the nine- 
teenth century too. The techniques of archaeology can be usefully 
applied to any period— no matter how recent, if, by digging something 
up we can hope to learn more than is to be discovered from written 
records. I think that you in North Carolina have splendidly demon- 
strated this in your work at Fort Fisher. Fort Fisher, of course, is a 
Civil War site, but I think the excavations there have shown that this 
sort of research can be eminently rewarding with or without military 

There comes a time, of course, in the life of every nation when it can 
no longer put all its pride and enthusiasm into being young. It must 
then switch its approach to its own people, and to the world at large, 

Archaeology: Handmaiden to History 223 

saying it still merits its place at the head of the table because of its 
wisdom born of long experience. It is not too big a step from there to 
a reliance on the deference due to advanced age. Much is then made 
of tradition, pageantry, times remembered— in a word, history. This 
may not cut much ice among the world's new giants, the young, cocky, 
virile nations intent on taking our place, but it may be all that we have 
left. What we here, and those like us, do in the next 50 years in the 
field of preservation and archaeology may have a very real influence 
on how this nation thinks of itself in the centuries ahead. 

In making a plea for an increased acceptance of archaeology I am 
not suggesting that digging must be automatically followed by recon- 
struction. To reconstruct a house, or a factory, or a fort, unless one has 
all the necessary information, and the unlimited means to do it com- 
pletely and do it right, is— in my view— a great mistake. There can be 
no substitute for authenticity, and you are not going to get all you 
need from archaeology alone. But I do believe that archaeology, prop- 
erly directed, can yield both information and pleasure for the future. 

Archaeology is, itself, destructive, and we are not yet sufficiently 
skilled to be sure that we are extracting every last ounce of information 
that the soil has to offer. Therefore, we should only dig when we have 
to. When a site is threatened by development we must, of course, go 
in and do the best we can— salvage what we can— and at the same 
time improve our own techniques so that we can do a better job next 
time. But when a site is not threatened, and the information it contains 
is not immediately needed, it is a great mistake to start digging just 
for the fun of it. 

The most important contribution that we can make right now is to 
locate the sites so that we know where they are and who owns them. 
We dare not wait until the contractor's bulldozer churns them up to 
discover that something should have been done first. It is thereiore 
essential that the State and local government offices which issue build- 
ing licenses should be aware of the location of archaeological sites. 
It's up to us to give them that information. Once they have it, it is 
surely reasonable to expect that it will be made available to the 
prospective developers and that the archaeologists will be informed 
of any impending destruction of historic sites so that they can get 
down there and do their salvage work before it is too late. 

There is another aspect which may not have occurred to you, and 
it's one which I find particularly frightening. Statisticians have figured 
out that in precisely 100 years from now, there will be about 800 ? - 
000,000 more people living in this country than there are today, and 

224 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the cities will have grown proportionally. The same statisticians claim 
that on the eastern seaboard alone there will be one vast city stretch- 
ing all the way from mid- Virginia to northern Maine. It will not be 
too long afterwards that North Carolina hooks on to that city. The 
only open spaces will be those areas like the Dismal Swamp where 
nobody wants to build, and the few select areas protected by the 
National Park Service, the States themselves, and by philanthropic 
foundations. What has this to do with archaeology? It has a great deal. 

As I have said, many of the sites are not yet threatened. They lie in 
open farmland, and in now safe wooded tracts. I believe that it might 
be financially possible, and eminently worthwhile for local civic so- 
cieties to raise funds to purchase some of the most important of these 
archaeological sites, particularly those which are scenically attractive, 
so that they can be preserved both for excavation at some future date 
and as open spaces for all time. I am not talking in terms of 100-acre 
tracts, but only of an acre here, a couple there. I feel that public 
spirited landowners might well be prepared to sell at a reasonable 
price on the understanding that they would still retain the full use of 
the land to do anything that would not result in its mutilation. 

I would envisage that after the foundations of what had been there 
had been archaeologically excavated, they would be back-filled and 
the area marked out with new brickwork or stone ( rather as has been 
done at Jamestown ) and the ground around could be landscaped into 
public gardens or picnic areas. Thus, the generations who follow us 
would be able to enjoy the occasional breathing space amid the ever- 
growing cities, and at the same time they would be made physically 
aware of their heritage. 

First, of course, the sites have to be found and their relative impor- 
tance accessed. And that brings us back to the problem of who's going 
to do it. I spoke earlier of the need for a new breed of archaeologist 
born, not in schools of anthropology, but in college history depart- 
ments. If eastern universities will include a grounding of field archae- 
ology as part of their American history courses, then we can produce 
a new generation of historians, schoolteachers and trained amateur 
antiquaries with enough sound knowledge to direct excavations, using 
local volunteers from the high schools, scout troops, even the garden 
clubs. But make no mistake about it, until we create the leaders, it 
will be highly dangerous to encourage the volunteers to dig. In the 
meantime we can use these people and groups to make projects of 
finding the sites by studying the documentary histories of their area 
and seeking out the locations on the ground. This, in any case, is an 
essential first step. 

Archaeology: Handmaiden to History 225 

It is up to the few professional archaeologists who are now working 
in this field to make teaching just as much part of our work as is basic 
archaeological research. It is more important in the long run that we 
train 20 good amateur archaeologists, than it is to dig two archaeologi- 
cal sites instead of one. We must sacrifice a little speed now for a much 
greater dividend in the future. 

In conclusion, let me say that I believe that North Carolina is giv- 
ing us all a very real boost by its examples which have already been 
made at the State level. You have an enlightened and vigorous State 
Department of Archives and History with a highly competent staff, 
including an archaeologist with considerable experience in work on 
historic sites. I am thinking specifically of the work of the Depart- 
ment of Archives and History at Brunswick Town. I recall with par- 
ticular pleasure your Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission's 
sponsorship of the conference on preservation earlier this year at 
Winston-Salem. That was vastly encouraging to all of us. 

The bicentenary of 1776 is, as far as planning is concerned, almost 
upon us. I would like to think that the lead which North Carolinians 
traditionally gave in Mecklenburg County in May, 1775, will be forth- 
coming again— to show other States what they should be doing in the 
field of archaeology and preservation. 



By Arlin Turner * 

The biographers of Edgar Allan Poe have been tempted to speculate 
as to what his achievement might have been if he had not been 
haunted by poverty all of his mature years. Poe himself lamented that 
literature received only meager support in his time and place. 
Nathaniel Hawthorne called his home town of Salem, Massachusetts, 
"a region of sleepyheads," and joined Poe and others in protesting 
that readers seemed to value books in proportion to the remoteness 
of their origin, especially valuing all foreign books above American 
books. William Gilmore Simms once wrote that his books were read 
less in his native South Carolina than in any other State, and least of 
all in his native Charleston. His friend, Henry Timrod, wrote with 
equal bitterness of the poor support a southern author could expect, 
bolstering his remark by stating that Nathaniel Hawthorne received 
in his native region, New England, the support he deserved— a state- 
ment Hawthorne was himself hardly ready to accept. 

Such accusations as these are common to all times and all countries; 
and they are at least partly just whenever they are made. The program 
we are engaged in today is a partial answer to any such accusations 
that may or may not be made or may or may not be deserved. For our 
purpose here is to call the roll of our authors and to honor them; and 
that purpose is to benefit ourselves no less than the authors we honor. 
I need not assert— I need only remind you— that a nation or a State 
without a literature lacks a distinctive character or an identity; and, 
further, that if we ignore or slight our authors, we do so at our own 
peril. Literary authors concern themselves with implications and 
meanings, with rights and morals. They normally speak for our con- 
science, or they are our conscience. They are reformers, in spirit if not 
in fact; they inspire us to justice and humanity, to generosity and 

* Dr. Turner, Chairman of the Department of English at Duke University, read this 
paper m Raleigh at the morning session of the North Carolina Literary and Historical 
Association, December 6. 

Review of North Carolina Fiction 227 

Joel Chandler Harris, writing in the aftermath of the Civil War, re- 
gretted that in the period before the War and also in his own time 
authors had not been at liberty to discuss controversial issues of the 
region. If a southern novelist had dealt with his region as freely as the 
English novelist Thackeray dealt with his own, Harris editorialized in 
The Atlanta Constitution, "he would probably," in Harris' words, "have 
been escorted beyond the limits and boundaries of our Southern clime 
astraddle of a rail." We today may wish that our authors throughout 
the past century had furnished us more guidance, had spoken in 
louder voices of conscience, on the issues which have confronted us, 
and we may at the same time rejoice that in most of the southern 
regions today an author may state his convictions freely without fear 
of "a ride astraddle of a rail." 

A literature can have the importance I have been describing in part 
because of the freedom it may enjoy, the variety which authors may 
claim in the subjects they choose, the methods in which they handle 
their subjects, and the attitudes they express. It has often happened 
that a major literary work was produced by an author isolated or in 
fact alienated from his time (the poet Emily Dickinson comes to 
mind); it has often happened also that the greatest work of an age has 
broken the prevailing rules and has burst out of conventional molds 
(here the name of Walt Whitman suggests itself). One might gen- 
eralize, plausibly, I believe, that the greatest literature has flourished 
when authors felt least entrammeled and were freest to follow where 
unencumbered talent might lead, as was true in the London of the 
great Elizabethans, or in the New England of Emerson, Thoreau, 
and Hawthorne, or, to come closer to our concern specifically with 
fiction this morning, in the South during the decade beginning in 1929, 
when Thomas Wolfe, Erskine Caldwell, and William Faulkner were 
publishing their best work; or, to come still closer, in the present South, 
where a group of remarkable women authors are producing, them- 
selves, a major literature. 

In such a time of freedom there is likely to be a free choice of types 
and subtypes, and a wide adaptation of conventional forms. The books 
submitted in the Sir Walter Raleigh competition this year might be 
displayed to illustrate such variety. 

One of the books, entitled Ghosts of the Carolinas, suffers none at 
all because it diverges in type from the novel and the short story; it is 
in fact a fine work. The ghost stories are told by Nancy Roberts, and 
accompanying photographs have been furnished by Bruce Roberts. 
(An earlier collaborative book by these two, I might note, is An 

228 The North Carolina Historical Review 


Illustrated Guide to Ghosts and Mysterious Occurrences in the Old 
North State.) A variety of ghostly happenings are narrated directly, 
concisely, and without straining for effect; but assisted by the photo- 
graphs, the sketches often produce genuine ghostly illusions. Bruce 
Roberts has adapted the techniques of photography to ghostly pur- 
poses. By double exposure and other means of superimposing one 
image on another he has suggested the essential quality of ghostly 
tales; and by his selection and management of shape, position, and 
shade in order to reveal truths otherwise obscured by the details of 
actuality, he has dramatized in his photographs a basic element in 
literary method. 

Another of this year's books, Der Wizard in Ozzenland, Mein Gross- 
fader s Rhymers und Fable Tellen, by Dave Morrah, has thoroughly 
modest intentions. It displays, as Mr. Morrah has done in several 
earlier books, a delightful skill at fusing the English and German 
languages for humorous effects, all illustrated by ink drawings of his 
own. Mr. Morrah has retold nursery rhymes, children's songs, and 
fables. Besides deriving the interest which lies normally in the imagi- 
native use of dialect, he isolates for our notice several recognizable 
qualities of the German language. 

Olive Tilford Dargan's new book, Innocent Bigamy and Other 
Stories, is a collection of 11 short stories. A note on the jacket reminds 
us that Mrs. Dargan has published poems, stories, novels, and dramas 
since 1904 and that the number of her published volumes has now 
reached 14. These stories are varied in nature and narrative method. 
They have in common, however, a quality of lightness, which is ac- 
companied at times by whimsy, and now and then by genuine subtlety 
of thought and presentation. The characters often move in deprived 
communities and are themselves poverty-ridden, but exposing their 
degraded state is not the main purpose. They are portrayed sympa- 
thetically, and as in the story entitled "Lem Goforth Decides," soberly 
but not sentimentally. In the story "Gangway" the degraded lives of 
the characters are given understanding but humorous treatment in a 
manner common in William Faulkner's novels and tales, in which one 
character tells the story, in stops and starts and with prompting ques- 
tions from other characters, leaving the reader much to figure out and 
much to learn only after tantalizing delays. One of the pieces, "She 
Walked in Beauty," is an anecdote in which the reader enjoys with a 
beautiful, mischievous young woman her success over the other women 
in her community who are jealous of her. The title story, "Innocent 
Bigamy," is a study in insanity which manifests itself in the belief in 

Review of North Carolina Fiction 229 

an avenging ghost. Here the author displays to best advantage her 
skill in handling her materials, for the insanity is thoroughly convinc- 
ing and the ghost half-convincing without challenging the reader's 
normal skepticism. 

Mrs. Dargan avows no more pretentious hope than that her "simple 
and realistic" stories, as she calls them, will furnish entertainment and 
relaxation for her readers. She achieves this goal, and she exceeds it, 
for she endows several of her characters with a warm humanity, and 
she gives some of them thorough individuality. 

The Boy in the Pool is the first novel from the pen of Camille R. 
Bittle. The setting is a New England prep school for boys, where the 
body of one of the pupils is discovered one morning floating in the 
swimming pool. Half a dozen characters, including the headmaster, 
among others at the school, and the drowned boy's divorced parents, 
are observed as each attempts to assess in himself and in others the 
blame for the tragedy. The writing is straightforward, and the or- 
ganization is simple. The novel is slightly over 200 pages in length, 
hardly space enough, one might suppose, to allow the sort of psycho- 
logical study the author has undertaken, but the characters become 
clear and believable, though uncomplex. The plain naturalness of the 
surroundings and the plausiblity of the routine happenings at the 
school carry over to the characters and give them altogether convinc- 
ing reality. 

The Sand Pebbles, by Richard McKenna, is likewise a first novel, 
but it is far different in type from The Boy in the Pool and much 
longer. The scene of the action is the interior of China during the 
revolution of the 1920's which ultimately brought Chiang Kai-shek to 
power. The primary stage for the action is the United States gunboat 
"San Pablo" (which becomes the "Sand Pebbles" of the title) as it 
moves back and forth on a tributary of the Yangtze River, through a 
region subject to the ministrations of American missionaries on the one 
hand and the whims of fortune on the other, manifested in the power 
which swings from one ruthless war lord to another. The canvas is 
large and the varieties of human character and existence portrayed 
upon it are widely divergent. The author captures the tone and the 
tempo of the life, the tensions which exist between the missionaries 
and the Chinese outside their sway, between the missionaries and the 
American naval forces, between the patrolling forces of the various 
foreign powers, between the gunboat crews (river rats) and the salt- 
water sailors, and between the factions belonging to the different war 
lords. It is a teeming, cruel world, complete with odors and sounds, 

230 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and producing its own tragedy, sometimes quick and startling, some- 
times slow and inevitable, and its own humor, sometimes earthy and 
hilarious, at other times subtle and restrained. The author studies with 
care and perception a series of characters drawn into decisive roles in 
this seething world, particularly an introspective American sailor who 
experiences the violent forces of the crisscrossing tensions. The author 
maintains the integrity of the world he portrays and makes no compro- 
mise as his chief characters fall victim to the relentless march of events. 
He has presented with vividness and reality a historical era which was 
momentous in China and on the world scene as well, and at the same 
time he has created memorable characters who are no less real than 
the world they inhabit. 

My comments have made it quite clear, I am sure, that the harvest 
of fiction in the past year seems to me a worthy one, worthy of our 
sincere applause on this occasion. 


DECEMBER 6, 1963 

By Henry Belk * 

For my annual report to you as President of the North Carolina 
Literary and Historical Association for 1963 I want to point with pride. 
So often our speeches and our press are filled with doleful comment 
of our low estate as a State and as a people. This downgrading and 
lamenting, it seems to me, can be carried to such an extent that it 
becomes almost a cult. And the tendency to look at our place with 
lament can even affect us psychologically and inhibit purpose and 

Unashamedly, then, I happily call your attention to a banner year 
in advance along the many lines of uplifting endeavor in which your 
Association and its members work. It has been such a significant year 
that a general review is in order. 

First, let us consider the year for the Association. Membership 
reached a new high of 1,826, an increase of 36 per cent, up 487, from 
a year ago. But our membership is far from being what it should be 
in a State as populous as North Carolina. 

Year-long close supervision over membership enrollment by your 
Secretary, Dr. Christopher Crittenden, has made the record possible. 

Through efforts of the Association the Associated Press has dis- 
tributed a weekly State historical column prepared by Dr. Crittenden. 
The column generally appears in Wednesday afternoon editions and 
has received approving comment from editors. It is making a distinct 
contribution to the popularization of State history. The column should 
be a clipsheet for all State history classes and the scrapbooks of history 

The year saw the revival, after a lapse of several years, of a regional 
meeting for eastern North Carolina. It was held through co-operation 
of East Carolina College at the College in April and drew an attend- 

* Mr. Belk's presidential address was read by his wife at the luncheon meeting of the 
North Carolina Literary and Historical Association in Raleigh, December 6. Mr. Belk 
is Editor of the Goldsboro News-Argus. 

232 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ance of about 125. Dr. Herbert Paschal arranged the program of 
papers on Old Beaufort and Old Brunswick. A tour to Bath for visits 
to the restoration projects there was a high spot of the meeting. 

The response to the co-operation of East Carolina College and the 
people of Greenville encourages us to believe that the regional meet- 
ing for the East can be successfully continued as a spring feature of 
the Assocation year. The dozen or so colleges in the eastern half of 
the State afford ideal situations for staging such annual events. 

Rocky Mount's four-year-old North Carolina Wesleyan College has 
graciously invited the Association to hold its 1964 Spring meeting 
there. Dr. Thomas Collins, President of the College, has included 
offers of full co-operation for the meeting. I have passed the appre- 
ciated invitation on to your efficient Secretary and I know he will 
bring it to the attention of the incoming Executive Committee. 

With a policy established through co-operation of East Carolina 
College and North Carolina Wesleyan College, other colleges in the 
East, extending from Wilmington to Murfreesboro, may be expected 
to become interested. 

It is important, I feel, that the eastern half of the State share in an 
annual experience that saw North Carolina beginnings. 

Though the eastern half of the State saw the earliest historv of 
the State, the Western North Carolina Historical Association has been 
more purposeful and energetic in local affairs. That Association has 
a long record of interesting meetings. The ones for the past year were 
held at Brevard College and in Hendersonville. 

We have had good reports of a week-end consideration and discus- 
sion of an interesting program. I should like to see the regional meet- 
ing idea expand to include one in the central part of the State. But 
local interest and co-operation must determine any action for such 
' a session. Your Raleigh office and staff cannot be expected to take the 
time or the trouble to promote such gatherings, as valuable as they 
are. They must spring from the desire and interest of the regions 
themselves. Otherwise there is little if anv contribution to the over-all 
appreciation of our history and our heritage. 

Probably of more lasting worth than regional meetings are the 
programs of the t county historical associations. There is, I think, a 
great flowering of new interest in local history, and the county socie- 
ties need a helping hand from your Association. 

A word or letter or note of encouragement from the parent organi- 
zation might at times be the means of improving the programs of the 

Literary and Historical Association Report 233 

county groups. The State has and should have a great body of local 
historians gathering, writing, and preserving their own history. 

The preparation of county histories is an example in point. More 
and more the county history is becoming a real historical record and 
reports of volumes which stand up under the critical eye of the 
trained historians are appearing. 

There should be a history of each county in book form. Some means 
of giving encouragement and aid to county history projects in coun- 
ties unable to issue them on their own would stimulate such projects. 

Many of us wish that regular contact from the Raleigh office could 
be maintained with the county history groups. That would require 
more people on the staff. There is insufficient money for such expan- 

Your Association, by the way, is insufficiently financed to do the 
job that should be done. I am not suggesting that we become a high 
pressure, eager-beaver sort of operation. But your Association does 
require funds sufficient to meet the obligations and responsibilities 
that lie in its field. 

Membership fees as long constituted are too low, and not enough. 

I suggested that the incoming officers give consideration to raising 
the membership dues in the several categories offered. This can be 
done, I think, with the approval of the membership in general. 

The Mayflower Society and Sir Walter Raleigh Literary Awards 
should include a cash honorarium as well as the honor of winning the 
awards. A prize of $1,000 each should be set up for the winners. The 
Association on its present income cannot do this. 

The addition of monetary awards for the top literary honors would 
fall in step with a policy adopted by the Art Societv, which this year 
has offered several monetary prizes of considerable amount. The 
Mayflower Society for its cup might well consider such a policy. 

I think that pecuniary awards would add greater incentive to the 
growing number of professional writers in North Carolina. 

The good year for the Literary and Historical Association has been 
accompanied by equal progress in related fields. 

North Carolina history and appreciation of our heritage have re- 
ceived a boost as never before from the outstanding observance of the 
three hundredth anniversary of the signing of the Carolina Charter. 
Papers on this session's program reflect something of what has been 
done in that direction and you need not be bored with its repetition. 

We should note, however, that the Tercentenary observance has 
started projects which will continue to serve and stimulate. 

234 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Colonial Records project should be recognized in this con- 
nection. Much original material and many records are being uncovered 
by this project and the bibliography being made; the index of records 
not previously available to historians, is extensive. Certainly an un- 
derstanding State will see to it that this work in original records will 
be developed to the fullest. 

Equally significant as a long-range project, you will agree, was the 
start of the Mobile Museum of History. Though it operated for only 
a part of the year ending, thousands of people streamed through the 
comfortable and attractive van the better to inform themselves on the 
first 100 years of North Carolina history as shown in numerous well- 
lighted, well-arranged displays. 

Tercentenary-sponsored events and programs are of particular value, 
you will agree, in that literally thousands of our people have been 
interested in North Carolina history for the first time. The local 
commemorative events have had the attention and co-operation of 
90 of our 100 counties. Each of these counties has had its own directing 
committee, and in many instances hundreds of people have been 
engaged in the observance in some form or other. 

North Carolina will be the richer because of this new foundation of 
interest and work in a field too long slighted or neglected. 

A somewhat related development has been the organization of the 
Coastal Historyland Association. Developing from ideas first discussed 
in the travel and tourism department of the State Department of 
Conservation and Development, the Coastal Historyland Association 
excited the interest and co-operation of towns from the Virginia line to 
Calabash. The Association, headed by Senator P. D. Midgett, has 
brought real co-operation and united effort from communities which 
too often have eyed each other jealously. 

While developing tourism is the main idea behind the Association, 
it will become one of the greatest history teachers serving us. Opening 
of the Norfolk Bridge-Tunnel in a few months will turn new thousands 
of travelers into the highways of the coastal region. The Association 
will have organized programs calling attention to places and incidents 
which may interest the travelers. 

Observance of the Civil War Centennial has proceeded with vigor 
during the past year. By now, most people recognize the fact that this 
observance was planned to extend over too long a period. But North 
Carolina's part has been marked by solid historical advance in com- 
memorating the anniversary of the War of the Confederacy. 

The State has an opportunity to stage one of the most significant 

Literary and Historical Association Report 235 

observances of the war in the one hundredth anniversary of the Battle 
of Bentonville, March 18-20, 1865. Restaging of battles of the War 
between brothers has already been overdone. We hope that Colonel 
Hugh Dortch, Centennial chairman, and his group will arrange for 
Bentonville in 1965 a national reunion of descendants, Federal and 
Confederate, of men who fought at that great battle. Thousands of 
people from many States, grandchildren and great grandchildren of 
men of the battle, would have a personal interest in a reunion there. 
Such an observance could attract more than State attention to the 
restoration of the battle site with a museum as a shrine by the people 
of Johnston County and the State Department of Archives and History. 

A deepening interest in our heritage was manifest in the increased 
projects for restoring historic old homes or buildings. Local residents 
are coming forward to take the lead in saving landmarks of beautv or 
history. The program for Halifax, Edenton, and Hillsboro have gained 
impetus to carry to other communities restoration programs such as 
that at Bath, now well advanced. Citizens of Swansboro have made 
a pood beginning in saving and marking old homes in that old fishing 
village. Such a program now should be started for Beaufort, one of 
the oldest and loveliest of our towns. 

That historic sites, under the direction of the State Department of 
Archives and History, serve more visitors and their place in tourism, is 
a well known and recognized fact. If North Carolina continues for a 
few years its program in this field as in recent vears our State will 
occupy a place of repute for such works. Virginia long has shown us 
the financial and cultural value of such proiects. 

Ecmallv important has been the year of North Carolina in the field 
of authorship. Many books of great variety, some of them important in 
their fields, have been issued. These have been reported on in detail 
in the several literary awards and we need not repeat, except to 
point with pride to the growth and development in book publishing. 

News of books, authors, music, and art got more space from the 
papers during the year. Observers point to the work of Harriet Doar 
on the Charlotte Observer and that of Mr. and Mrs. William D. Snider 
on the Greensboro Daily News. The 40-year old "Literary Lantern" 
from Chapel Hill, weekly book comment column, now serves two 
papers. Once it was the principal literary column on the State scene. 
Now the larger papers have their own book editors and book pages 
and each has recruited many lay people for services as reviewers. 

Sam Ragan's column "Southern Accent" in The News and Observer 
provides a focus upon the world of letters with emphasis on the 

236 The North Carolina Historical Review 

North Carolina scene. The column, we think, is a great influence for 
encouraging the author and for recruiting followers for worthy efforts 
in books, poetry, and drama. 

Ragan, from the vantage point of his column, has prepared facts 
on the significant advances in the cultural field in the past year. 

Besides the activities mentioned and those stimulated by the Ter- 
centenary celebration there have been others such as the completion 
of the lengthy study by the Performing Arts Committee named by 
Governor Terry Sanford. The recommendation of this Committee that 
the establishment of such a school and center was desirable and feasi- 
ble, and subsequent action by the North Carolina General Assembly in 
appropriating $325,000 for the establishment of such a school, con- 
tingent upon matching funds from private foundations and other 
sources, indicates to us the great interest that North Carolinians have 
in the performing arts. 

Continued growth of the truly phenomenal Friends of the College 
Series at North Carolina State of the University of North Carolina at 
Raleigh, in which residents of North Carolina can hear the world's 
finest performers for one dollar each, is amazing. The climax of the 
series thus far was the attendance of 13,500 persons at the Van Cliburn 
concert in Reynolds Coliseum— far more than have even seen a basket- 
ball game there— and in excess of 12.000 for the Royal Philharmonic 
of London, directed by Sir Malcolm Sargent. 

In addition, North Carolina State has developed a Triad Series 
which brings to the campus individual performers in music, chamber 
music concerts, literary speakers such as Flannery O'Connor, Shirley 
Ann Grau, Bennett Cerf, and outstanding critics such as Lionel Tril- 
ling, Malcolm Cowley, Alfred Kazin, Bosley Crowther, and Arthur 
Mizener. Outstanding foreign films, as well as plays, are part of the 
series. North Carolina State is also co-operating with East Carolina 
College in the staging of top dramatic productions of East Carolina 
College in the Triangle area. 

The Poetry Circuit initiated last year is under the direction of Guy 
Owen of North Carolina State this year. Under this program from 
four to six of the nation's outstanding poets are brought to college 
campuses for readings and talks. Participating colleges include North 
Carolina State, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Duke, 
Atlantic Christian and East Carolina colleges. First poet this year was 
Charles Edward Eaton. 

North Carolina State also has launched a Theater Workshop, con- 
verting the old Frank Thompson gymnasium into a very modern 

Literary and Historical Association Report 237 

theater. The College Union also employs a theater director for pro- 
duction of plays both on campus and on Channel 4, WUNC-TV. 

Guy Owen also conducts the State Writers Workshop, which also 
is occasionally televised on Channel 4. Owen has moved his poetry 
magazine, Impetus, from Stetson to North Carolina State, and is work- 
ing on plans for an annual anthology of "Southern Poetry Today." 

At Chapel Hill, the University has started a Fine Arts Degree pro- 
gram, which gives great promise in the arts in North Carolina. North 
Carolina State s liberal arts degree in a new school, combined with 
the stimulus of the pioneering School of Design, also offers great 
possibilities in the field. The University at Chapel Hill also has, in 
addition to its creative writers program, a writer-in-residence for the 
first time, in John Knowles. North Carolina State last year had Romu- 
lus Linney as a writer-in-residence. 

The University of North Carolina Press at Chapel Hill has ex- 
panded its work— most notable recently being its Poetry Series, in 
which ten books of poetry are now scheduled for publication. A new 
literary magazine, Reflections, from Chapel Hill has appeared on the 
scene under the editorship of Robert Brown. 

At the University of North Carolina at Greensboro this year an 
entire Repertory Theater was in residence for three weeks, with out- 
standing professional performers working with students and giving 
public performances. 

East Carolina College has shown remarkable progress in the arts, 
with its developments of quality performances in the fields of drama 
and music, and the showing of paintings. The exhibit of Frances 
Speight at Windsor in late October is a fine example of how the Col- 
lege is taking art to the people. The East Carolina College literary 
magazine, The Rebel, continues to be one of the best in the region. 

At Duke Dr. William Blackburn continues to inspire young writers 
in his creative writing classes. Their work has been published again 
in book form and such writers as Reynolds Price, Fred Chappell, and 
Anne Tyler are getting national attention. 

Charlotte this fall launched the North Carolina Writers Forum, 
patterned after the successful North Carolina Literary Forum held in 
Raleigh each spring. 

The North Carolina Writers Conference, meeting for the second 
year in a row in Raleigh, has worked with the State and local libraries 
in promoting reading. It helped establish a library in the Governor's 
Mansion where none had been before; its members appeared on tele- 

238 The North Carolina Historical Review 


vision during National Library Week; and each contributed to the 

new North Carolina section in Raleigh's Olivia Raney Library. 

Down at Chowan College in Murfreesboro, Bernice Kelly Harris 
has started a creative writing class, and has continued her work with 
plays in her home community of Seaboard. 

Theaters are in nearly every community. Winston-Salem's Tangle- 
wood, Charlotte's professional theater, and Raleigh's summer theater 
flourished. Long-run dramas such as "The Lost Colony" set new rec- 
ords this year. 

This, then, is a report from the President of the North Carolina 
Literary and Historical Association for 1963. It merely summarizes 
the historical and cultural endeavors in our State for the past year. It 
is my hope that the work begun will continue, that new projects will 
be undertaken, and that both will flourish. 



DECEMBER 19, 1730 

Transcribed and Edited by Edmund and Dorothy S. Berkeley * 

Official records of North Carolina trade during the early eighteenth 
century, represented by the detailed reports which naval officers 
made to the Board of Trade, might be expected to be found in the 
archives of the Public Record Office in London. For reasons unknown, 
they do not seem to be there. The earliest surviving records are those 
of Port Brunswick for the years 1763-1775, and these are in rather 
poor condition. Christopher Crittenden, who called this problem to 
public attention, added that as a result, "a description of the com- 
merce of colonial North Carolina can never be complete or perfectly 
accurate." 1 

It would seem to be especially important, in view of the lack of 
official records, for contemporary comment on the trade of this period 
to be made available, when found in unexpected places. In the Library 
of The Linnean Society of London, are the manuscripts of Peter 
Collinson (1694-1768). Collinson is a familiar figure to anyone in- 
terested in eighteenth-century science, especially botany. He was a 
very active member of the Royal Society of London, and carried on 
an extensive correspondence with scientists in many parts of the 
world, including Carolus Linnaeus in Sweden; John Bartram, in 
Philadelphia; and John Clayton, in Virginia. But Collinson was a 
Quaker merchant, a mercer and haberdasher, and interested in mat- 
ters related to trade as well as science. Among his papers, 2 and in his 
unmistakable handwriting, the editors, concerned with his Clayton 
correspondence, 3 found four sheets and a map. The first sheet is 

* Dr. Berkeley is an Associate Professor of Biology at the University of North 
Carolina at Greensboro. Dorothy S. Berkeley is his wife. 

1 Charles Christopher Crittenden, The Commerce of North Carolina, 1763-1789 (New 
Haven: The Yale University Press, 1936), 69. 

2 Francis Veale to Mr. Paine, December 19, 1730, Peter Collinson Collection, Library 
of The Linnean Society of London, England. 

3 For further information concerning Collinson, see E. G. Swem (ed.), Brothers of the 
Spade (Barre, Massachuetts : Privately printed, 1957) ; and Edmund Berkeley and 
Dorothy S. Berkeley, John Clayton, Pioneer of American Botany (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1963). 


The North Carolina Historical Review 


/a* V 

1 ' X ' '' 










Map of North Carolina, December 19, 1730. From the Peter Collinson Collection, 
Library of The Linnean Society of London, England. 


Manner of Living in 1730 241 

headed, "The Manner of Living of the North Carolinians." At the 
bottom, in parentheses, appears the notation "Carolina December 19: 
1730 from Francis Veale." The second sheet is headed "Mr. Paine 
from Francis Veale Carolina December 19:1730," and consists of one- 
third sheet of writing and two-thirds of map. The map portion is too 
faded for ready reproduction, but shows "Cape Hatteras, Neuse River, 
Pamlego River, Allagator River, Knott Island, North River, Little 
River, Paspatank River, Eddy Town" and several other points. The 
third and fourth sheets bear no headings, and the map is here repro- 
duced. 4 

"Mr. Paine" cannot be identified, and not very much information 
can be found concerning Francis Veale. On June 18, 1736, Veale re- 
quested a patent for 640 acres on the southern bank of Old Town 
Creek, west of the Cape Fear River. Again, on May 7, 1742, he 
applied for a grant of 257 acres in Bladen. 5 Despite this paucity of 
information about the man, his comments on North Carolina at that 
time are both interesting and amusing. 

The First Commers had the advantage of takeing the best Land near att 
hand & most of them have so much Land that the High Rents as they Call 
them, Hurts their Circumstances very much being a[m]bitious to keep 
the whole and phaps don't use above a 100 acres out of a 1000- 6 I have 
seen as fine Orchards there & in Virginia as ever I saw in England but 
they have not the Method of Grafting but Letts all grow wild & yett some 
good fruits & Great Bearers, I have seen four Trees 5 years Old had 
apples Enough to make a Hhd Cider, so productive is the Soil that a 
Peach from the Stone will bear the Second year. Their Wheat Lands they 
dont throw into Ridges to Draine the Water as in England but plough it 
Rough like Summer fallow yett I have seen as good Wheat as any. Where 
& when it's worn out, It's turn'd down & they plough a fresh piece & in 6 
or 7 years its as full of Wood as Ever- 

They might Have the best pasture in the World but take no Care about 
It but Lett Cows Horses & Hoggs all Sorts feed together, they never Mow 
any of their Feilds to Raise fodder for their Cattle in the Winter, w cb 
is sometimes pretty sharp. I saw Last Xmas 1729 snow a foot thick but 
when it is so severe they cutt down Trees for the Cattle to Browse on - they 

* The editors are indebted to The Linnean Society of London for permission to 
publish this manuscript, and to Mr. Thomas O'Grady, General Secretary of the Society, 
for assistance in many ways. 

5 William L. Saunders (ed.), The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh: The 
State of North Carolina, 10 volumes, 1886-1890), IV, 220, 619, hereinafter cited as 
Saunders, Colonial Records. 

"For further commentary on this lavish use of land by the colonists, see the 
Reverend John Clayton, "A Further Account of the Soil of Virginia," Philosophical 
Transactions of the Royal Society of London, XVII (1693), 978, hereinafter cited as 
Philosophical Transactions; and John Brickell, The Natural History of North Carolina 
(Dublin: n. p., 1737), 41, hereinafter cited as Brickell, Natural History. 

242 The North Carolina Historical Review 


seldome Mind to Milk their Cows Regularly but one Sometimes in a Day 
or Two they never take their Calves from them but Lett them suck as 
Long as they Cann. 7 

Fish is Exceeding plenty I have seen a Hundred Mullets Catch'd att a 
Cast without weating ones foot & theres aboundance of Trout as big as 
Salmon with Great Variety of Other Fish & Oysters very Good- 
There is very good Hunting never Miss of Sport if you Miss the Deer the 
Dogs Soone find them & Drive them to the River where Some Lie Ready 
in a Boat to shoot them I have been att the Catching 2 or 3 a Day for 
severall Days togeather 8 There's plenty of Wild fowl, Swans, Geese, Duck, 
Wiggin & Teale & Wild Turkys a Lott is Call'd 640 Acres w ch may be 
taken up only paying the Surveyor 5£ Sterling or a five pound Bill & you 
may do with it what you please 9 

Sr I have given you a Rough Draught of the Country & now I'll proceed 
to Trade, From Eddey or Edey Town 10 to Little River, Paspatank 11 to 
North River they Raise a great deal of Good Wheat they Reape the Latter 
End of June or beginning of July att that Time a Vessell of a 100 Tuns 
may Load in a Month they Raise abundance of Indian Corn & Pease, Pork, 
Beef, Wax, Tallow, & Hides Some Pitch Tarr & Turpentine, Many Sorts 
of Oke, Pine, Hickery & Cypress any Quantity may be had for Little or 
Nothing Oks 4 & 5 foot Diam r . 60 foot Long & Masts of any Size to any 
Length without Knott or ben't any Quality may be had % Mile from the 
Water Side - Pamplico Cheife Trade is Pitch Tarr & Turpentine where 
any we sell may be Loaded att any Time, Nause [Neuse] being but now 
setling they've little besides Beef, Pork, Butter, & Cheese, there is plenty 
of Fodder in Winter. 

I will Now Just Mention Something of their Manners — & Religion theres 
not a Clergy man in the whole Government 12 but they that are Religiously 
Inclin'd getts a Tayler or Some old Pirate or Some Idle Fellow to Read 
the Service of the Church of England & then He Hacks out a Sermon made 
before my old Granum Some call themselves Baptists & some as thinks 
themselves prysbyterians but they all Live very Loving together & comes 

7 For a fuller discussion of such slipshod agricultural practices of the colonists, see 
Thomas Glover, "Account of Virginia," Philosophical Transactions, XI (1676), 623- 
636; and Gilbert Chinard (ed.), A Huguenot Exile in Virginia (New York: The Press 
of the Pioneers, Inc., 1934) , 120. 

8 A visitor to Cape Fear in 1734 noted, "We might have shot ten brace of deer, for 
they were almost as thick as in the parks in England, and did not seem in the least 
afraid of us." James Sprunt, Chronicles of Cape Fear River, 1660-1916 (Raleigh: 
Edwards and Broughton, 1916), 43. 

8 "The general way of taking up Land here, is to go to a surveyor, who is im- 
powered to survey and give the Taker-up a Draught or Plat of the same, and his Fees 
will be about 40 s. or 3 1. a tract, which contains 640 acres, and must be settled within 
Two Years after taken up." E. G. Swem (ed.), An Account of the Cape Fear Country, 
1731, by Hugh Meredith (Perth Amboy, New Jersey: Privately printed, 1922), 25-26. 

10 This refers to Edenton. 

11 This is apparently Pasquotank. 

12 In 1739 Governor Gabriel Johnston reported only two churches holding weekly 
services. As late as 1764 Governor Arthur Dobbs could only admit to six ministers 
in the Colony, two of whom he considered extremely poor. R. D. W. Connor, The 
Colonial and Revolutionary Periods, 1584-1783. Volume I of History of North Carolina, 
by R. D. W. Connor, William K. Boyd, J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, and Others (Chicago 
and New York: The Lewis Publishing Company, 6 volumes 1919), 191. 

Manner of Living in 1730 



1 \ V 

, \ 





IV-. -A v 

M ■ * 












5? € 







Copy of original letter from Francis Veale to Mr. Paine with accompanying map. 
From the Peter Collinson Collection, Library of The Linnean Society of London, 

244 The North Carolina Historical Review 


to Meetings att one anothers' Houses, but never talks of Religion, I be- 
lieve it is because they know not what it Is. There is a great Many Quakers 
att Paspatank but they are sometimes with a preacher & sometimes with- 
out — I have often Inquird why there is no Clergyman in all the province 
& the Chief Reason I am told, Is, that y e Goven r has all the profett of 
Licences, & the Justices Marries — 

There is Land Lotted out for the Ministers ; but the profits of it now goes 
to mend these [?] ways, that the Great Ones think if they had Ministers 
amongst them that they Woud be Loosers by them, for if the Clergy shou'd 
take the 7 th or 10 th Hogg w cb are in great plenty, but the Loss they would 
sustain Wou'd be so Regretting that they would saye to them as the 
Gadarens said to Our Savior Depart out of our Country & from Our 
Coasts — I have been told the Last Parson as was amongst them being 
Fleshly Given Importun'd a Woman to give him a Nights Lodging but 
no sooner had the Parson his Cloths off but 3 or 4 Neighboruing Women 
came with Horse Whips & Chastized the poor naked Parson to that Degree 
that He took his Horse next Morning & has never been seen since, I think 
as the Lord Cartaret is one of the Cheif proprietors If He had sent Parson 
Paygen 13 there, instead of giveing Him Bridgewater, by being Punish d 
in the Flesh might have saved his soul & My Lord wou'd have shown some 
Regard to his province.- 

What can Wee stanch Church men think, the Children here that aint 
Baptized must they be Lost nay Wee doubt are Lost, & they that don't 
go to Church on Sundays what must become of them & they that don't 
Receive the Sacrament won't they be Dam'd, then what must become of 
these poor Souls. Not One in some Hundreds was Ever Baptized, Ever 
saw a Church or Receiv'd the Sacrament. Yett a Sensible people in all 
things but Religion.- 

The Rich Mines are bacward in the Mountains. 

Grapes grow Naturally Wild in abundance upraiding the Inhabitants that 
they don't take Notice of them & Cultivate them & Make them into Wine 
of which profit must Ensue. I have Seen as fine & Large as Ever saw up 
the Straites there is a Sort of Tea Cassenna grows in abundance which 
y e Indians Drink but they have not the Way of Cureing It after the East 
India Fashion. 14 It's now become a Common Drink amongst the Whites, 
its sold Cur'd att 2£ Barrell Sterling or 48 Bills. 

Commodities Wanting - 

Ordinary Bridles & Sadies, Pewter, Tinwares, Course Russia Cloth for 
Towells, Osombrigs, 15 Kerling Garlick % & Little Holland 16 the Coursest 

13 Parson Paygen has not been identified. 

" This refers to "Yaupon tea," made from leaves of Ilex vomitoria, (Cassina or 
Yaupon), a holly whose leaves contain caffein. 

15 Osombrigs was one of many variations of spelling of the Osnaburg, the name of a 
kind of coarse linen, originally made in Osnabruck (Osnaburg), North Germany. 

18 The term "Holland" was applied to glazed or unglazed cotton or linen used for slip 
covers, window shades, and other such purposes. 

Manner of Living in 1730 245 

of printed Linnens & some finer, some Muslin & Course stockings all sizes 
from the Coasest to 2 :9 pair Wax & Rowlers Hunting pipes, the Coasest 
of Kersies, 17 to NannCloth 18 att ll d y d Corusse Broad to 8 p y d - threds. 
Mohair Buttons Trimings to, Duroyes 19 no matter how Course & Ordinary, 
Womans Crapes and Persions, Ribons Handkerchiefs Callico, Cotton, & 
Silk, from 9/ to 20/. Empty Bottles Cases flask Bottles Pouder Shot 
Guns - % Tun of Iron, Hinges Locks & Latches, Nails, from Longs Tens 
to 3 penny, 6 d most for shingling Houses, Spurs, Buckles, Knives Forks, 
Midlin Pins, Combs, Rasers, Buttons for Shirts Beads for Indians Course 
Indian Cloths with stripes loose Blanketting, Ruggs, some Cordage for 
Sloops an Anchor or Two, Duck for Sails, Canvas, Bunting 
Returns are Pitch, Tarr, Turpentine Deer skins and Furrs, Hides, Tallow, 
Wax, Snake Root, Pork & Beef salted and Wheate & Timber, Beaver, Rice 
& myrtle wax. 20 

There is Neither Silver & Gold in this Country Butt Paper Money, 
a 100 £ in Bill Money is but 25 in Virginia or Barbadoes. 21 Trade is 
Carried on there principally by the New England Sloops, who, bring 
there Goods they can't sell 22 the Collector told Mee from June to Xmas 
1729 there had Cleard att Edey Town above 60 sail from 30 to 40 to 60 & 
70 Tunns besides whats Cleard att Currytuck & pamplico, they carry 
Pitch, Tarr & provisions, etc. there has not been a Ship from England In 
this Country these seven years. 

17 Kersey was a kind of coarse, narrow cloth woven from long wool, and usually 

"Nanncloth was probably Nankeen, a brownish-yellow cloth used for breeches and 
other heavy-duty garments, originally introduced into England from Nanking, China. 

19 Duroy was a woolen cloth first manufactured in the west of England. 

20 See also, Brickell, Natural History, 43-44. 

21 Governor Dobbs considered this reliance upon paper money a great handicap to 
trade. One of his first recommendations was for the issuance of copper coinage for 
North Carolina. Desmond Clarke, Arthur Dobbs, Esquire, 1689-1765, Surveyor-General 
of Ireland, Prospector, and Governor of North Carolina. (Chapel Hill: The University 
of North Carolina Press, 1957), 116. 

23 In 1707 Robert Holden, Collector of Customs, wrote to the Proprietors concerning 
North Carolina, "It has barred Inlets into It; which spoyles the trade of it and none 
but small vessels from New England and Bermuda trades here." Saunders, Colonial 
Records, II, xiv. 


By Louis H. Manarin * 

The writer of history must base his presentation and conclusions 
upon evidence he has gathered from available sources. Generally 
speaking, he will find that the further into the past he goes, the more 
likely the possibility that pertinent official documents are lost, figura- 
tively speaking, when they have but passed into private hands. The 
abundance of source material necessitates research in known deposi- 
tories and collections. Often unrelated manuscript collections may 
contain important documents which remain unnoticed. Recently such 
a document was uncovered in the William B. Rodman Papers in the 
State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, North Carolina. 
It is not known how this document came to be in this private collec- 
tion. Other manuscripts in the papers do not shed any light on the 

The discovered document is a signed copy of Jefferson Davis' 
proclamation to be sent to General Robert E. Lee on his invasion of 
Maryland in September, 1862. Although addressed to General Lee, 
there is no endorsement to indicate receipt at the headquarters of 
the Army of Northern Virginia. The significance of the document lies 
in the fact that this proclamation, dated September 12, 1862, was to 
the people of Pennsylvania. 

All previously published versions of the proclamation either spe- 
cifically mention Maryland or have blanks where the name of a State 
was to be inserted. The proclamation as published in the Official 
Records was to the people of Maryland, 1 however, research has raised 
doubts as to whether the original proclamation was to the people of 
Maryland. The publication files of the War Records Office, now in the 
National Archives, reveal that on November 4, 1882, Colonel Robert 
N. Scott requested Davis to "furnish ... a list of such . . . dispatches 

* Mr. Manarin is Editor of the forthcoming roster of North Carolina troops in the 
Civil War, to be published by the North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission. 

1 R. N. Scott and Others (eds.), The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the 
Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D. C: Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 70 volumes [127 books, atlases, and index], 1880-1901), Series I, 
XIX, Part III, 598-599, hereinafter cited as Official Records. 

"To the People of " 247 

( letters or telegrams ) to General Lee as you are willing to furnish for 
the completion of the correspondence with him." 2 In reply to this 
request, Davis forwarded copies of seven of his telegrams and letters 
sent to General Lee. 3 Among those was a copy of the proclamation as 
copied from Davis' Letter Book. When originally entered in the Letter 
Book the date of issue was not recorded, so a probable date of issue 
of September 7, 1862, was noted on the copy Davis sent Scott. An- 
other change was made before Davis sent it to Scott. In Davis' Letter 
Book the proclamation contains three blank spaces where the name 
of a State was to be inserted. A notation in the Letter Book indicates 
that copies of the original were sent to Generals Lee, Braxton Bragg, 
and E. K. Smith, who were at the time either planning or undertaking 
separate offensives. This accounts for the blank spaces within the copy 
recorded in the Letter Book. In his correspondence with Scott, Davis 
did not mention the fact that copies of the same proclamation had 
been sent to the two other commanders. The first blank of the copy 
sent to Scott contained the word "Maryland." The other two blanks 
were not filled in. 4 The copy was evidently made by a secretary and 
proofread by Davis before being sent to Scott. On the back is written: 
"The President to Gen'l R. E. Lee, instructing him to issue a proclama- 
tion to the people of setting forth the motives and purposes 

of his presence among them at the head of an invading army." The 
copy is written entirely in black ink, except for the date, the word 
"Maryland," and in the last paragraph in the last line "on them by" 
was scratched out and "either by" inserted. These additions and 
changes are in purple ink, as was Davis' cover letter to Scott of 
November 23, 1882. Thus it would appear upon comparison of ink 
and handwriting that Davis inserted "Maryland" in the first blank. 

Upon receipt of Davis' letter with the proclamation and other letters 
and telegrams the editors of the Official Records prepared them for 
publication. They retained "Maryland" in the introductory paragraph, 
deleted one blank and retained the other. Thus the document was 
altered a second time before being printed. It was not until 1923 
that the copy as it actually appeared in Davis' Letter Book was 
printed. 5 In this printing it appears with the three blanks and the 

2 Colonel Robert N. Scott to Jefferson Davis, November 4, 1882, National Archives, 
Washington, D. C, Record Group 94, Entry No. 708, Letters Sent — War Records 
Office, August, 1879-November, 1882, 191. 

3 Jefferson Davis to Colonel Robert N. Scott, November 23, 1882, National Archives, 
Record Group 94, Entry No. 710, Letters Received— War Records Office, 1875-1899. 

4 National Archives, Record Group 109, Entry No. 4, Documents Printed in the 
Official Records, Series I, XIX, Part II, 598-599. 

5 Dunbar Rowland (ed.), Jefferson Davis Constitutionalist : His Letters, Papers and 
Speeches (Jackson, Mississippi: Mississippi Department of Archives and History, 10 
volumes, 1923), V, 338-339. 

248 The North Carolina Historical Review 


notation that copies were sent to Lee, Bragg, and E. K. Smith. No 
State is mentioned. The copy found in the Rodman Papers does not 
contain any blank spaces. Pennsylvania is written in the text without 
any break. The only other difference, outside of punctuation variances, 
between this copy and the copy sent by Davis and published in the 
Official Records and in Dunbar Rowland (ed.), Jefferson Davis Con- 
stitutionist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, appears in the last line. 
The final line of the copy in the Rodman Papers contains the words 
"on them by." These words were inserted. This would indicate that 
Davis may have had a second copy in his possession in addition to the 
Letter Book. There is a second copy in the Jefferson Davis Papers at 
Tulane University, in addition to the Letter Book copy, but like the 
Letter Book copy the name of the State is not filled in. 6 In his Rise 
and Fall of the Confederate Government, Davis cited the introduc- 
tory paragraph of the proclamation specifically mentioning Maryland. 7 

It is not known what State, if any, was mentioned on General Lee's 
copy of the proclamation as it has not been located in any of the major 
collections of his writings. Soon after entering the State of Maryland 
he issued his own proclamation to the people of Maryland. 8 Dated 
September 8, 1862, it appears to have been written by Lee before he 
received the formal copy from Davis. On September 12, Lee sent 
Davis a copy of his proclamation with the explanation: "I waited on 
entering the State for the arrival of ex-Governor [Enoch Louis] 
Lowe; but finding that he did not come up, and that the citizens were 
embarrassed as to the intentions of the army, I determined to delay no 
longer in making known our purpose." 9 It appears that Lee received 
a copy of Davis' proclamation just after he wrote Davis on Septem- 
ber 12, because on the following day he wrote the President: "You 
will perceive by the printed address to the people of Maryland, which 
has been sent you, that I have not gone contrary to the views expressed 
by you on the subject." 10 From this it may be concluded that the 
copy received by Lee either had the State of Maryland filled in, or 
was blank. Due to the changing tides of battle, Davis' proclamation, 
whether blank or to the people of Maryland or Pennsylvania, was 
never promulgated. 

The significance of the Pennsylvania proclamation becomes more 

6 Mrs. Connie G. Griffith, Director, Manuscript Division, Tulane University, New 
Orleans, Louisiana, to the author, September 13, 1963. 

7 Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government (New York: 
D. Appleton and Company, 2 volumes, 1881), II, 333. 

8 Official Records, Series I, XIX, Part II, 601-602. 
Official Records, Series I, XIX, Part II, 604-605. 
10 Official Records, Series I, XIX, Part II, 605-606. 

"To the People of " 249 

apparent historically when related to the sequence of events. On Sep- 
tember 4, 1862, General Lee informed Davis of his intention of cross- 
ing the Potomac River into Maryland. Lee concluded that "Should the 
results of the expedition justify it, I propose to enter Pennsylvania, un- 
less you should deem it unadvisable upon political or other grounds." 11 
On September 9, he informed Davis: "I shall move in the direction 
I originally intended, toward Hagerstown and Chambersburg, for the 
purpose of opening our line of communication through the valley/' 12 
From Hagerstown on September 12 Lee informed Davis that "our ad- 
vance pickets are at Middleburg, on the Pennsylvania line." 13 It was 
on the same day, that the proclamation to the people of Pennsylvania 
was drafted by Davis in Richmond. Therefore, it would appear that 
both Lee and Davis contemplated an advance into the State of Penn- 
sylvania. The loss of Special Order No. 191 and its subsequent dis- 
covery by a Union soldier gave McClellan Lee's order of battle. Lee 
was compelled to withdraw from Hagerstown and retired to the vicinity 
of Sharpsburg where the armies joined in battle on September 17. 
After the Battle of Sharpsburg he withdrew across the Potomac into 
Virginia. In his official report on the campaign, submitted on August 
19, 1863, Lee said of his movement toward Pennsylvania: 

It was decided to cross the Potomac east of the Blue Ridge, in order, by 
threatening Washington and Baltimore, to cause the enemy to withdraw 
from the south bank, where his presence endangered our communications 
and the safety of those engaged in the removal of our wounded and the 
captured property from the late battle-fields. Having accomplished this 
result it was proposed to move the army into Western Maryland, establish 
our communications with Richmond through the Valley of the Shenan- 
doah; and, by threatening Pennsylvania, induce the enemy to follow and 
thus draw him from his base of supplies. 14 

The existence of the proclamation is evidence that at the time of 
the invasion Davis concluded from Lee's correspondence that he in- 
tended to invade rather than threaten Pennsylvania. 

The document, exactly as it occurs in the Rodman Papers, is as 

Executive Office, 

Richmond, Sep't 12, 1862. 

It is deemed proper that, in accordance with established usage, you 
should announce by proclamation to the people of the State of Pennsyl- 

Official Records, Series I, XIX, Part II, 591-592. 
Official Records, Series I, XIX, Part II, 603. 
Official Records, Series I, XIX, Part II, 604-605. 
Official Records, Series I, XIX, Part I, 145. 

250 The North Carolina Historical Review 


vania, the motives and purposes of your presence among them at the head 
of an invading army, and you are instructed in such proclamation to make 

1st. That the Confederate Government is waging this war solely for 
self-defense: that it has no designs of conquest nor any other purpose 
than to secure peace and the abandonment by the United States of its 
pretensions to govern a people who have never been their subjects and 
who prefer self-government to union with them. 

2nd. That this government at the very moment of its inauguration sent 
commissioners to Washington to treat for a peaceful adjustment of all 
differences, but that these commissioners were not received nor even al- 
lowed to communicate the object of their mission: and that on a sub- 
sequent occasion, a communication from the President of the Confederacy 
to President Lincoln remained without answer, although a reply was 
promised by General Scott into whose hands the communication was 

3d. That among the pretexts urged for the continuance of the war is the 
assertion that the Confederate Government desire to deprive the United 
States of the free navigation of the Western rivers, although the truth 
is that the Confederate Congress by public act, prior to the commencement 
of the war, enacted that "the peaceful navigation of the Mississippi River 
is hereby declared free to the citizens of any of the States upon its borders, 
or upon the borders of its navigable tributaries," a declaration to which 
this government has always been and is still ready to adhere. 

4th. That now at a juncture when our arms have been successful, we re- 
strict ourselves to the same just and moderate demand that we made at 
the darkest period of our reverses, the simple demand that the people of 
the United States should cease to war upon us, and permit us to pursue 
in peace our own path to happiness, while they in peace pursue theirs. 

5th. That we are however debarred from the renewal of formal proposals 
for peace, having no reason to expect that they would be received with the 
respect mutually due by nations in their intercourse, whether in peace or 
in war. 

6th. That under these circumstances we are driven to protect our own 
country by transferring the seat of war to that of an enemy who pursues 
us with a relentless and apparently aimless hostility : that our fields have 
been laid waste, our people killed, many homes made desolate, and that 
rapine and murder have ravaged our frontiers. That the sacred right of 
self defense demands that if such a war is to continue, its consequences 
shall fall on those who persist in their refusal to make peace. 

7th. That the Confederate army therefore comes to occupy the territory 
of their enemies and to make it the theatre of hostilities. That with the 

"To the People of " 251 

people of Pennsylvania themselves rests the power to put an end to this 
invasion of their homes, for if unable to prevail on the government of the 
United States to conclude a general peace, their own State government 
in the exercise of its sovereignty can secure immunity from the desolating 
effects of warfare on the soil of the State by a separate treaty of peace 
which this government will ever be ready to conclude on the most just and 
liberal basis. 

8th. That the responsibility thus rests on the people of Pennsylvania, of 
continuing an unjust and aggressive warfare upon the Confederate States, 
— a warfare which can never end in any other manner than that now 
proposed. With them is the option of preserving the blessings of peace 
by the simple abandonment of the design of subjugating a people over 
whom no right of dominion has ever been conferred on them by God or 

Very Respectfully 
^ yours 
Jeffn. Davis 15 
To General Robert E. Lee, 
Commanding &c, &c, &c. 

*rf ,• kJl **. K * J ^f y *%%■-*,' /£*^-+-^~-j£\J?.*s <*%..*£- *z>t--*^--0t *- *^-~--»-\.^ S^.-jt- <-Ct^ 

f / 

ig>(^<^^gi-^c^ f 

■e. v 


Conclusion of proclamation, showing Davis' signature. 

15 William B. Rodman Papers, State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh. 


By William S. Powell * 

Bibliography and Libraries 

McCain, Murray. Books ! New York, Simon and Schuster, 1962. unpaged. 

Straughan, Alice. How to organize your church library. Westwood, N. J., 

Revell, 1962. 64p. $1.00. 

1 Books dealing with North Carolina or by North Carolinians published during the 
year ending June 30, 1963. 

* Mr. Powell is Librarian of the North Carolina Collection, University of North Caro- 
lina Library, Chapel Hill. 

Philosophy and Religion 

Anscombe, Frances Charles. The day of the Lord : what the Bible says, 
a modern interpretation. Winston-Salem, Hunter Publishing Co., 1962. 
134p. $1.50. 

Brockmann, Charles Raven. Mecklenburg Presbytery, a history. Char- 
lotte, Office of the Executive Secretary, Mecklenburg Presbytery, 1962. 
148p. $5.00. 

Eller, Ernest McNeill. Salem : star and dawn. Winston-Salem, Woman's 
Fellowship, Moravian Church South, 1962. 86p. $2.50. 

Hodges, Luther Hartwell. The business conscience. Englewood Cliffs, 
N. J., Prentice-Hall, 1963. 250p. $4.00. 

Jordan, Gerald Ray. Christ, communism, and the clock. Anderson, Ind., 
Warner Press, 1963. 128p. $1.50. 

Preaching during a revolution: patterns of procedure. 

Anderson, Ind., Warner Press, 1962. 192p. $3.50. 

Keith-Lucas, Alan. The church and social welfare. Philadelphia, West- 
minster Press, 1962. 84p. $1.25. 

Middleton, Robert Lee. The goodness of God. Nashville, Broadman Press, 
1962. 118p. $2.50. 

Natanson, Maurice Alexander. Literature, philosophy, and the social 
sciences, essays in existentialism and phenomenology. The Hague, Mar- 
tinus Nijhoff, 1962. 220p. $5.30. 

Oates, Wayne Edward. Protestant pastoral counseling. Philadelphia, 
Westminster Press, 1962. 256p. $4.50. 

Redhead, John Agrippa. Sermons on Bible characters. New York, Abing- 
don Press, 1963. 144p. $2.75. 

Teague, H. A. History, Sandy Creek, 1858-1958. [Siler City, 1963?] 167p. 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1962-1963 253 

Turner, Herbert Snipes. Church in the old fields, Hawfields Presbyterian 
Church and community in North Carolina. Chapel Hill, University of 
North Carolina Press, 1962. 297p. $6.00. 

Economics and Sociology 

Bass, Vidette. Branch, a tradition with a future. Wilson, Branch Banking 

and Trust Co., 1962. 117p. [free]. 
Bridges, Earley Winfred. Ivanhoe Commandery no. 8, Knights Templar, 

a historical survey of the eighth oldest commandery in North Carolina. 

Staunton, Va., McClure Printing Co., 1962. 309p. $5.00. 
Burgess, Margaret Elaine. An American dependency challenge, by M. 

Elaine Burgess and Daniel 0. Price. Chicago, American Public Welfare 

Association, 1963. 285p. $3.00. 
Chapin, Francis Stuart. Urban growth dynamics in a regional cluster 

of cities, by F. Stuart Chapin, Jr., and Shirley F. Weiss, editors. New 

York, Wiley, 1962. 484p. $8.95. 
Hays, Leopold Mozart. For every citizen to read. Nashville, Tenn., 

Parthenon Press, 1962. 125p. $3.00. 
Higham, Robin David Stewart. Armed Forces in peacetime, Britain, 

1918-1940. Hamden, Conn. Archon Books, 1962. 332p. $10.75. 
Honigmann, John Joseph. Understanding culture. New York, Harper & 

Row, 1963. 468p. $6.75. 
Ingram, James Carlton. Regional payments mechanisms: the case of 

Puerto Rico. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 

152p. $4.00. 
Johnson, Gerald White. The Congress. New York, Morrow, 1963. 128p. 


The Supreme Court. New York, Morrow, 1962. 127p. $2.95. 

Keith-Lucas, Alan. The church children's home in a changing world. 

Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 92p. $1.25. 
Kosa, John. Two generations of soviet man, a study in the psychology of 

communism. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 

214p. $5.00. 
Kreps, Clifton Holland. Money, banking and monetary policy. New 

York, Ronald Press Co., 1962. 607p. $7.50. 
Landon, Charles Edward. The North Carolina State Ports Authority. 

Durham, Duke University Press, 1963. lllp. $6.00. 
Leyburn, James Graham. The Scotch-Irish : a social history. Chapel Hill, 

University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 377p. $7.00. 
Matthews, Donald Rowe, director. North Carolina votes, general election 

returns, by county, for President of the United States, 1868-1960, Gov- 
ernor of North Carolina, 1868-1960, United States Senator from North 

Carolina, 1914-1960, compiled by the staff of the Political Studies Pro- 
gram at the University of North Carolina under the direction of Donald 

R. Matthews. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 

315p. $5.00. 
Nelson, John Howard. The censors and the schools, by Jack Nelson and 

Gene Roberts, Jr. Boston, Little, Brown, 1963. 208p. $4.50. 

254 The North Carolina Historical Review 


Norris, Hoke, editor. We dissent. New York, St. Martin's Press, 1962. 
211p. $4.95. 

Parker, Mattie Erma Edwards, editor. North Carolina charters and 
constitutions, 1578-1698. Raleigh, Carolina Charter Tercentenary Com- 
mission, 1963. 247p. $5.00 (buckram) ; $10.00 (leather). 

Ratliff, Charles E. Interstate apportionment of business income for 
State income tax purposes, with specific reference to North Carolina. 
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 132p. $4.00. 

Roberts, Nancy. Ghosts of the Carolinas. Charlotte, McNally and Loftin, 
1962. 64p. $3.50. 

Snipes, A. M. Opinion on taxation, a challenge to "We the people." Elkin, 
N. C, [author?], 1962. 105p. $2.00. 

Talbert, Ernest William. The problem of order: Elizabethan common- 
places and an example of Shakespeare's art. Chapel Hill, University of 
North Carolina Press, 1962. $6.00. 

Williams, Robert Franklin. Negroes with guns. New York, Marzani & 
Munsell, 1962. 128p. $1.95. 


Ackerman, Frances Eugene. Tonk and Tonka. New York, Dutton, 1962. 
47p. $2.95. 

Bell, Thelma Harrington. The riddle of time. New York, Viking Press, 
1963. 160p. $3.50. 

Berkeley, Edmund. John Clayton, pioneer of American botany, by Ed- 
mund Berkeley and Dorothy Smith Berkeley. Chapel Hill, University of 
North Carolina Press, 1963. 236p. $6.00. 

Davis, Hubert J. The great Dismal Swamp, its history, folklore and 
science. [Richmond, Va., author?, 1962]. 182p. $2.45. 

Applied Science and Useful Arts 

Locklear, Edmond. Your future in accounting. New York, Richards 
Rosen Press, 1963. 159p. $2.95. 

Patton, Robert Gray. Growth failure in maternal deprivation, by Robert 
Gray Patton and Lytt I. Gardner. Springfield, 111., Thomas, 1963. 94p. 

Richardson, Frank Howard. For parents only, the doctor discusses dis- 
cipline. New York, D. McKay Co., 1962. 116p. $2.95. 

Sparks, Elizabeth Hedgecock. Be a wifesaver. Kernersville, [author?], 
1962. lllp. $2.50. 

Fine Arts 

Allcott, John Volney. Colonial homes in North Carolina. Raleigh, Caro- 
lina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963. 103p. 50^. 

Chew, Sallie Barker. Artcrafting little people. Salisbury, Md., Chew and 
Sons, 1962. 109p. $3.00. 

Davis, Mildred J. The art of crewel embroidery. New York, Crown Pub- 
lishers, 1962. 224p. $10.00. 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1962-1963 255 

Hudson, Arthur Palmer. Folklore keeps the past alive. Athens, Univer- 
sity of Georgia Press, 1962. 63p. $2.50. 

Songs of the Carolina Charter colonists, 1663-1763. Ra- 
leigh, Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1962. 82p. 50^. 

Klenz, William. Giovanni Maria Bononcini of Modena, a chapter in 
Baroque instrumental music. Durham, Duke University Press, 1962. 
184, 312p. $12.50. 

MacMiLLAN, Laura. The North Carolina portrait index, 1700-1860. 
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1963. $15.00. 

Newman, William Stein. The sonata in the Classic Era. Chapel Hill, 
University of North Carolina Press, 1963. 928p. $15.00. 

O'Neil, Tom. Three corner contract. Charlotte, Hallmark Printers, 1963. 
43p. $5.00. 

Pruett, James Worrell. A selective music bibliography from the period 
1663-1763, by James Pruett and Lee Rigsby. Raleigh, Carolina Charter 
Tercentenary Commission, 1962. 53p. 50^. 

Starling, Robert B. Seven years in Little League baseball. Greenville, 
Reel and Starling, 1963. 118p. $3.60. 

Tufts, Richard S. The Scottish invasion, being a brief review of American 
golf in relation to Pinehurst and the Sixty Second National Amateur. 
Pinehurst, Pinehurst Publishers, 1962. 121p. $2.50. 


Bird, William Ernest. Lyrics of a layman. Greensboro, Piedmont Press, 

1962. 32p. 
Blanton, Martha. With light, poetry in word and picture, by Martha 

Blanton and Helen Blanton Cherry. Tarboro, Mrs. H. N. Cherry, 1962. 

229p. $6.00. 
Carter, Laurie A. In quiet hours. Birmingham, Ala., Banner Press, 1962. 

63p. $2.50. 
Covington, Eston P. Shadows and sunshine and other poems. Boise, Idaho, 

1962. 74p. 
Eaton, Charles Edward. Countermoves. New York, Abelard-Shuman, 

1962. 31p. $2.00. 
Guest, Barbara. Poems : The location of things, Archaics, The open skies. 

Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1962. 95p. $2.95. 
Harrell, Wilborne. Moon over Main Street, poems of a small-town news- 
paper man. Edenton, [author?], 1963. 18p. $1.00. 
Kemp, Roy Z. Measure of a heart, and other poems. Francestown, N. H., 

Golden Quill Press, 1962. 71p. $2.75. 
Lee, Mary Hines. Autumn leaves. Manning, S. C, The Manning Times, 

1962. 85p. 

Page, Hubbard Fulton. The threshold, and other poems. Buies Creek, 

1963. 91p. 

Salinger, Herman. 2 A sigh is the sword. Charlotte, McNally & Loftin, 
1962. 68 p. $3.50. 

Winner of the Roanoke-Chowan Award for poetry, 1963. 

256 The North Carolina Historical Review 


Sandburg, Carl. Honey and salt. New York, Harcourt, Brace & World, 

1963. lllp. $4.75. 
Small, Victor Robert. The feel of earth. New York, Vantage Press, 1963. 

144p. $2.75. 
Walser, Richard Gaither, editor. Poets of North Carolina. Richmond, 

Garrett & Massie, 1963. 142p. $4.00. 


Green, Paul Eliot. Five plays of the South. New York, Hill and Want, 

1963. 307p. $4.95. 
Slaughter, Frank Gill. The healer, a drama in two acts, based on the 

novel of the same name. New York, Samuel French, 1962. 93p. $1.25. 


Arnold, Lattye Eunice. Aunt Malissa's memory jug, original folk stories. 

New York, Exposition Press, 1962. 141p. $3.00. 
Bittle, Camilla R. The boy in the pool. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1962. 

218p. $3.95. 
Carroll, Ruth Robinson. Where's the kitty? New York, H. Z. Walck, 

1962. unpaged. $2.75. 
Dargan, Olive Tilford. Innocent bigamy, and other stories. Winston- 
Salem, J. F. Blair, 1962. 261p. $3.75. 
FORBUS, INA B. Melissa. New York, Viking Press, 1962. 190p. $3.00. 
Gavin, Catherine Irvine. The cactus and the crown. Garden City, N. Y., 

Doubleday, 1962. 472p. $4.95. 
Hancock, Alice V. Pedro, a mystery of the Floridas. New York, Abelard- 

Schuman, 1962. 158p. $3.00. 
Harris, Gene G. Smoke on Old Thunderhead. Winston-Salem, J. F. Blair, 

1962. 157p. $2.95. 
Hood, Flora Mae. The longest beard in the world. San Carlos, Calif., 

Golden Gate Junior Books, 1962. 47p. $2.95. 
Justus, May. Smoky Mountain sampler. New York, Abingdon, 1962. 127p. 

Koch, Dorothy Clarke. Monkeys are funny that way. New York, Holiday 

House, 1962. unpaged. $2.75. 
Leonard, Burgess. Rebound man. New York, F. Watts, 1962. 212p. $2.95. 
McKelway, St. Clair. The Edinburgh caper. New York, Holt, Rinehart 

and Winston, 1962. 190p. $4.00. 
McKenna, Richard. 4 The Sand Pebbles, a novel. New York, Harper & 

Row, 1962. 597p. $5.95. 
Meader, Stephen Warren. Phantom of the blockade. New York, Har- 
court, Brace & World, 1962. 190p. $3.25. 
Powell, Talmage. Start screaming murder. New York, Pocket Books, 

Inc., 1962. 152p. 35^. 

3 By a North Carolinian or with the scene laid in North Carolina. 
* Winner of the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for fiction, 1963. 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1962-1963 257 

Sandburg, Helga. Blueberry. New York, Dial Press, 1963. 158p. $3.50. 
Shealy, Harriet Sanders. Me. Wilmington, Dela., Author, 1963. 25p. 

Slaughter, Frank Gill. Darien venture. New York, Pocket Books, Inc., 

1962. 234p. 35^. 

Devil's harvest, a novel. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 

1963. 217p. $3.95. 

Street, Julia Montgomery. 5 Dulcie's whale. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 

1963. 154p. $3.50. 
Webbe, Gale D. Pitcher and I, by Stephen Cole [pseud.] New York, Ariel 

Books, 1963. 156p. $2.95. 
Wellman, Manly Wade. Clash on the Catawba. New York, I. Washburn, 

1962. 177p. $3.25. 
The South Fork Rangers. New York, I. Washburn, 1963. 

171p. $3.50. 

Literature, Other Than Poetry, Drama, or Fiction 

Hardison, Osborne Bennett, Jr. The enduring monument, a study of the 

idea of praise in Renaissance literary theory and practice. Chapel Hill, 

University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 240p. $6.00. 
, editor. Modern continental literary criticism. New York, 

Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1962. 352p. $2.95. 
Havner, Vance. Peace in the valley. Westwood, N. J., F. H. Revell Co., 

1962. 124p. $2.50. 
Moore, Frank Harper. The nobler pleasure, Dryden's comedy in theory 

and practice. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1963. 

264p. $6.00. 
Morrah, Dave. Der Wizard in Ozzenland. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 

1962. 96p. $1.95. 
Shuman, Robert Baird. Clifford Odets. New York, Twayne Publishers, 

1962. 160p. $3.50. 

History and Travel 

Alden, John Richard. The American Revolution, 1775-1783. New York, 

Harper & Row, 1962. 294p. $1.95. 
Rise of the American Republic. New York, Harper & Row, 

1963. l,030p. $9.95. 

Barrett, John Gilchrist. The Civil War in North Carolina. Chapel Hill, 
University of North Carolina Press, 1963. 484p. $10.00. 

Bell, Mary Best. Colonial Bertie County, North Carolina. Vol. 1, Ab- 
stracts of Deed Book A, 1720-25. Windsor, Mary B. Bell and Edythe S. 
Dunstan, 1963. [50] p. 

Biggers, John Thomas. Ananse, the web of life in Africa. Austin, Univer- 
sity of Texas Press, 1962. 119p. $7.50. 

Brock, Dewey Clifton. Americans for Democratic Action: its role in 
national politics. Washington, Public Affairs Press, 1962. 229p. $4.50. 

6 Winner of the AAUW Award for juvenile literature, 1963. 

258 The North Carolina HiSTORif al Review 

Camp, Cordelia. The influence of geography upon early North Carolina. 
Raleigh, Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963. 31p. 50^. 

Campbell, Wanda S. Abstracts of wills, Bladen County, North Carolina 
(1734-1900). Elizabethtown, Wanda S. Campbell, 1962. 161p. $5.50. 

Davis, Burke. America's first army. Williamsburg, Va., Colonial Williams- 
burg, 1962. unpaged. $2.96. 

Gwynn, Zae Hargett. Abstracts of the records of Jones County, North 
Carolina, 1779-1868. Memphis, Tenn., Z. H. Gwynn, 1963. l,074p. $30.00. 

Hall, Harry H. A Johnny Reb band from Salem : the pride of Tarheelia. 
Raleigh, North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission, 1963. 
118p. $1.50. 

Klingberg, Frank Wysor. A history of the United States from 1865 to 
the present. Cleveland, World Publishing Co., 1962. 570p. $1.95. 

Lee, Enoch Lawrence. Indian wars in North Carolina, 1663-1763. Ra- 
leigh, Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963. 94p. 50^. 

Medford, W. Clark. Mountain people, mountain times. Waynesville, 
[author?], 1963. 117p. $5.50. 

Powell, William Stevens. Annals of progress, the story of Lenoir County 
and Kinston, North Carolina. Raleigh, State Department of Archives 
and History, 1963. 107p. 50$*. 

The proprietors of Carolina. Raleigh, Carolina Charter 

Tercentenary Commission, 1963. 70p. 50^. 

Rankin, Hugh Franklin. Upheaval in Albemarle : the story of Culpeper's 
rebellion, 1675-1689. Raleigh, Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commis- 
sion, 1962. 87p. 50^. 

Roberts, Bruce. The face of North Carolina. Charlotte, McNally and 
Loftin, 1962. unpaged. $10.00. 

Rogers, Lou. The first Thanksgiving. Chicago, Follett Publishing Co., 1962. 
29p. $1.00. 

Scott, William Evans. Alliance against Hitler. Durham, Duke University 
Press, 1963. 296p. $7.50. 

Stallings, Laurence. The Doughboys, the story of the AEF, 1917-1918. 
New York, Harper & Row, 1963. 404p. $7.95. 

Tooze, Ruth. Cambodia, land of contrasts. New York, Viking Press, 1962. 
144p. $4.50. 

Tucker, Glenn. Dawn like thunder, the Barbary wars and the birth of 
the U. S. Navy. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 1963. 487p. $6.50. 

Front rank. Raleigh, North Carolina Confederate Centen- 
nial Commission, 1962. 83p. $3.95. 

Van Der Linden, Frank. The turning point, Jefferson's battle for the 
Presidency. Washington, R. B. Luce, 1962. 371p. $6.50. 

Welch, Robert Henry Winborne. The politician. Belmont, Mass., 
[author?], 1963. 300p. $8.00. 

Wellman, Manly Wade. The county of Moore, 1847-1947, a North Caro- 
lina region's second hundred years. Southern Pines, Moore County His- 
torical Association, 1962. 254p. $3.75. 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1962-1963 259 

Autobiography and Biography 

Arnett, Ethel Stephens. 0. Henry from Polecat Creek. Greensboro, 

Piedmont Press, 1962. 240p. $3.50. 
6 William Swaim, fighting editor, the story of 0. Henry's 

grandfather. Greensboro, Piedmont Press, 1963. 401p. $6.95. 
Clark, Septima Poinsette. Echo in my soul, by Septima Poinsette Clark 

with LeGette Blythe. New York, Dutton, 1962. 243p. $4.50. 
Cobb, Lucy Maria. The preacher's three, stories of a North Carolina 

childhood from another day. New York, Exposition Press, 1963. 60p. 

Coulter, Ellis Merton. John Ellis Coulter, small-town businessman of 

Tarheelia. [Athens, Ga., Author] , 1962. 241p. 
Dykeman, Wilma. Seeds of Southern change, the life of Will Alexander, 

by Wilma Dykeman and James Stokely. Chicago, University of Chicago 

Press, 1962. 343p. $5.95. 
Ferguson, Oliver Watkins. Jonathan Swift and Ireland. Urbana, Uni- 
versity of Illinois Press, 1962. 217p. $5.00. 
Gregory, Robert G. Sidney Webb and East Africa. Berkeley, University 

of California Press, 1962. 183p. $3.50. 
Herd, Elmer Don. Andrew Jackson, South Carolinian, a study of the 

enigma of his birth. [Lancaster? S.C.], Lancaster County Historical 

Commission, 1963. 64p. $3.00. 
Hodges, Luther Hartwell. Businessman in the Statehouse, six years as 

Governor of North Carolina. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina 

Press, 1962. 324p. $4.75. 
Holman, Hugh. The world of Thomas Wolfe. New York, Scribner, 1962. 

187p. $2.25. 
Hughes, Arizona Houston. Aunt Zona's web. Gastonia, Publications 

Engineers and Consultants, 1962. 147p. $3.65. 
Kennedy, Richard S. The window of memory: the literary career of 

Thomas Wolfe. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 

461p. $7.50. 
Morrison, Joseph Lederman. Josephus Daniels says . . . An editor's 

political odyssey from Bryan to Wilson and F.D.R., 1894-1913. Chapel 

Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 339p. $7.50. 
Parks, Joseph Howard. General Leonidas Polk, C.S.A., the fighting 

bishop. Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1962. 408p. 

Powell, William Stevens, editor. North Carolina lives, the Tar Heel 

who's who. Hopkinsville, Ky., Historical Record Association, 1962. 

l,358p. $17.50. 
Robinson, Blackwell Pierce. The five royal governors of North Carolina, 

1729-1775. Raleigh, Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963. 

74p. 50^. 
Shirley, Franklin Ray. Zebulon Vance, Tarheel spokesman. Charlotte. 

McNally and Loftin, 1962. 151p. $3.50. 

Winner of the Mayflower Award, 1963. 

260 The North Carolina Historical Review 


Stewart, James Alexander. Revival behind the iron curtain. Philadel- 
phia, Revival Literature, [1962] . 38p. 

Thornburgh, Allene E. Grandpa's store, vignettes of a North Carolina 
childhood. New York, Pageant Press, 1962. 86p. $2.50. 

New Editions and Reprints 

Blythe, LeGette. Hear me, Pilate! New York, Popular Library, 1962. 

300p. 60^. 
Cronon, Edmund David. Josephus Daniels in Mexico. Madison, University 

of Wisconsin Press, 1963. 369p. $1.95. 
Gumming, William Patterson. The Southeast in early maps. Chapel Hill, 

University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 284p. $12.50. 
Golden, Harry Lewis. Carl Sandburg. Greenwich, Conn., Fawcett Pub- 
lications, 1962. 224p. 50^. 
You're entitle'. Greenwich, Conn., Fawcett Publications, 

1963. 256p. 60^. 
Holmes, Urban Tigner. A history of Old French literature, from the 

origins to 1300. New York, Russell & Russell, 1962. 356p. $8.50. 
Johnson, Pamela Hansford. The art of Thomas Wolfe. New York, 

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1963. 170p. $1.25. 
Kennedy, John Pendleton. Horse-Shoe Robinson. New York, Hafner 

Publishing Co., 1962. 550p. $2.75. 
Lee, Maurice Went worth. Macroeconomics, fluctuations, growth and 

stability. Homewood, 111., Irwin, 1963. 646p. $11.35. 
Lefler, Hugh Talmage. North Carolina, the history of a Southern state, 

by Hugh Talmage Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome. Chapel Hill, Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, 1963. 756p. $8.00. 
Link, Arthur Stanley. Woodrow Wilson and the progressive era, 1910- 

1917. New York, Harper, 1963. 331p. $3.95. 
Meyer, Duane Gilbert. The Highland Scots of North Carolina, 1732- 

1776. Raleigh, Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963. 75p. 

Porter, William Sydney. O. Henry's New York. Greenwich, Conn., 

Fawcett Publications, 1962. 192p. 50f 
Rand, McNally and Company. North Carolina pocket map. Chicago, 

Rand McNally and Co., 1962. 44p. $1.00. 
Ruark, Robert Chester. The Old Man and the boy. Greenwich, Conn., 

Fawcett Publications, 1962. 240p. 50^. 
Uhuru, a novel of Africa today. Greenwich, Conn., Fawcett 

Publications, 1963. 670p. 50^. 

.. Uhuru. Helsinki, Justannusosakeyhtio Tammi, 1963. 550p. 

Shaffer, Edward Terry Hendrie. Carolina gardens, the history, romance 
and tradition of many gardens of two States through more than two 
centuries. New York, Devin-Adair Co., 1963. 326p. $6.95. 

Slaughter, Frank Gill. The curse of Jezebel. New York, Pocket Books, 
1963. 264p. 50^. 

. Daybreak. New York, Pocket Books, 1963. 307p. 50^. 

Lorena. New York, Pocket Books, 1963. 233p. 50^. 


North Carolina Bibliography, 1962-1963 261 

Smith, Betty. A tree grows in Brooklyn. New York, Popular Library, 

1962. 430p. 60^. 
Street, James Howell. Oh, promised land. New York, Pocket Books, 

1962. 600p. 60^. 

Tap roots. New York, Pocket Books, 1963. 503p. 75^. 

Stuart-Watt, Eva. Dynamite in Europe. Philadelphia, Revival Literature, 

1962. 175p. 
Truesdell, Karl. The Trousdale genealogy. Ithaca, N. Y., J. B. Trousdale, 

1962. 218p. $4.50. 
Wilmington, N. C, Ministering Circle. Favorite recipes of the Lower 

Cape Fear. Wilmington, 1962. 183p. $2.06. 


My First 80 Years. By Clarence Poe. (Chapel Hill: The University of 
North Carolina Press. 1960. Dedication, preface, acknowledgments, and 
index. Pp. xvi, 267. $4.75.) 

Dr. Foes story covers the period from 1881 to 1963. He correctly 
acknowledges, however, that the book is not a formal autobiography. 
His principal effort in the book was to record personal experiences, 
those of a young boy to those of an elderly man looking back on a dis- 
tinctively fruitful life. 

The author describes a life composed of an unusually wide range 
of experiences. It is a life of a farmboy born in the South at late dusk 
of the Civil War, a boy who was marked with a sense of destiny, a 
young man who was editor of one of the South's leading agricultural 
magazines at the age of eighteen, a person considered as a candidate 
for Governor of North Carolina just before World War I, a person 
considered at the same time by President Woodrow Wilson for Secre- 
tary of Agriculture, a counselor to Food Administrator Herbert Hoover 
interested in sharing America's agricultural abundance after World 
War I with Europe and Russia, and an adviser to President Truman 
in the Four-Point Program after World War II. 

Even though the author relates these accomplishments and associa- 
tions with considerable pride, his paramount achievement was build- 
ing an agricultural magazine. Through this he touched hundreds of 
thousands of farm lives in the South. Through it he crusaded for im- 
proved health and education, and a more prosperous southern agricul- 
ture. Herein lies his contribution as a dedicated leader. 

Through the experiences he describes, one is able to glance back and 
see clearly some of the conditions of the late nineteenth and early 
twentieth centuries. Though not related in a highly organized fashion, 
he shows how events of this period contributed so much to what 
Americans enjoy today in health, education, and prosperity. 

Most readers will recognize the close attention the author gives to 
personal details. Treatment of basic issues of the day, of the time, that 
produced the man is somewhat light and scanty. Yet Dr. Poe obviously 
is a man who studied life diligently in order that it might become 

Book Reviews 263 

My First 80 Years is a reflection of a person who believes he has 
lived during the most exciting age known to man. It presented many 
personal challenges to him. As he mastered them he was able to im- 
prove his life, and to contribute bountifully to others of his day, as 
well as to those of tomorrow. Anyone who would aspire to be a civic, 
as well as an agricultural leader, will gain much by studying the story 
of Dr. Poe's life. 

William C. White 

National Plant Food Institute 
Washington, D. C. 

The History of Western Carolina College: The Progress of an Idea. By 
William Ernest Bird. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 
Press. 1963. Illustrations, notes, appendixes, and index. Pp. xvi, 294. 

William Ernest Bird's History of Western Carolina College is a very 
useful addition to the scanty but growing historical literature devoted 
to education in North Carolina. The author is uniquely qualified for 
the task he has undertaken. Today President Emeritus of Western 
Carolina College, he has served the institution for thirty-seven years 
as teacher of English, Dean, and President, and has been personally 
acquainted with nearly every instructor connected with the College 
since its founding. 

The training of teachers for the scattered, understaffed, and— until 
recent times— impoverished schools of the Carolina highlands is the 
"idea" whose development forms the theme of Professor Bird's volume. 
The idea was first envisoned by young Robert Lee Madison, who came 
from Virginia in 1889 to teach in the primitive grade and high school 
established by the community of Cullowhee. Largely by his efforts 
the school added a normal department in 1901 with the help of a 
$5,000 appropriation from the legislature. During the following decade 
the school expanded rapidly in student body and physical plant. By 
1917 Cullowhee High School offered two years of college training. 
Ten years later the high school was separated from the normal school 
and Western Carolina College added a full college curriculum for 
prospective teachers. Although the College, along with all other State 
institutions, suffered severely during the Depression from deep slashes 
in appropriations, it grew rapidly during the forties and fifties and to- 

264 The North Carolina Historical Review 

day offers a complete undergraduate program apart from teacher 

Valuable as Professor Bird's volume is, it suffers from several short- 
comings. Written from an administrator's point of view, it is replete 
with details on the growth of the physical plant, but has very little to 
say about the development of the curriculum, changes in educational 
policy, or the nature of the student body. Intramural controversies and 
rivalries often are swept under the rug as unfortunate occurrences 
which should be forgotten. The sometimes fierce competition in the 
political arena with other State schools for appropriations and upgrad- 
ing of curriculum and degrees is treated very lightly. Biographies 
of the major figures connected with the college are sketched so lovingly 
that these men emerge as Socratic stereotypes rather than as flesh 
and blood human beings. In short, Professor Bird is so much in love 
with his subject that he has given us a book which often reads more 
like a romantic memoir than objective history. And more serious, as 
far as his own task is concerned, his sentimental approach, while often 
charming and continually testifying to the author's generous and sym- 
pathetic nature, makes it difficult to follow The Progress of an Idea 
as he promises in his title. 

Elisha P. Douglass 

The University of North Carolina 
at Chapel Hill 

Presbyterians in the South, Volume One: 1607-1861. By Ernest Trice 
Thompson. (Richmond, Virginia: John Knox Press. 1963. Notes and 
index. Pp. 629. $9.75.) 

Dr. Thompson is John Q. Dickinson Professor of Church History 
and Church Polity at Union Theological Seminary, Richmond, Vir- 
ginia, where, as present Dean of the Faculty, he has taught since 
1922. He is an astute scholar in the liberal tradition and is eminently 
qualified for the authorship of this volume. The son of a distinguished 
Presbyterian minister, he was born in Texas, and educated at Hamp- 
den-Sydney College, Union Theological Seminary, and Columbia Uni- 
versity. Author of several previous books, he has written numerous 
monographs on the Presbyterian Church in the South and is a former 
Moderator of his denomination. 

The eleven-page Bibliography in six-point type indicates compre- 

Book Reviews 265 

hensive research. Original sources include many of the minutes of the 
sessions of local churches, minutes of numerous Presbyteries which 
have from time to time comprised the Presbyterian Church in the 
South, as well as minutes of synods and general assemblies. More 
than 30 religious periodicals of the ante-bellum period were examined. 
Many articles and books complete the bibliography. 

The author does a masterful job of weaving together the whole 
story of the Presbyterian Church in the South so that one may readily 
and satisfactorily trace the history of the church in his own State ( or 
synod ) . 

The book gives an accurate picture of the pioneer "back country" 
and describes the influence of the church (of all denominations) on 
the society of the various periods. It points out the significant part 
played by Presbyterians in Virginia and elsewhere in the movement 
for religious freedom which led to the first application of separation 
of Church and State. It covers the migration movement westward and 
indicates both the strength and weakness of the Presbyterian Church. 
Its strength lay in its emphasis on education, and to Presbyterians 
more than any other denomination the South is indebted for laying 
the foundation for public education at all levels. The Church also 
exhibited missionary zeal, but unfortunately, because of its high 
educational requirements, there was ever a scarcity of ministers. Herein 
lay its great weakness, an inability to supply ministers equal to the 
demand. Because Baptist and Methodist denominations were able 
to cope with this demand, they rapidly outstripped Presbyterians, 
though the latter church by all odds had the greatest opportunity and 
advantage at the close of the Revolutionary War. 

Another weakness of the Presbyterian Church was it proclivity for 
schism. Numerous divisions in the Church, due to differences on edu- 
cational requirements, doctrine, evangelism, and psalm versus hymn 
singing, resulted in severe losses to the Church at the very time other 
denominations were increasing with great rapidity. 

Many great southern leaders, including several North Carolinians, 
such as David and Joseph Caldwell, are effectively portrayed. 

The latter part of the book deals with the great separation which 
first came in 1838 between the Old and New School parties, a division 
over doctrine and polity as well as slavery, and again in 1861 within 
the Old School, between North and South. 

"So it happened," concludes Dr. Thompson, "that within less than 
twelve months time the ties which had bound Presbyterians of the 
North and South together for a period of a century and a half had 

266 The North Carolina Historical Review 

departed; the fellowship which had endured, despite growing sectional 
animosities, until the actual outbreak of hostilities, was no more. On 
December 4, 1861, representatives of 47 Southern presbyteries gathered 
in Augusta, Georgia, to form the General Assembly of the Presbyterian 
Church in the Confederate States of America. Dr. Benjamin M. Palmer 
preached the opening sermon and was elected Moderator (ill health 
prevented the election of Dr. Thornwell); permanent clerk, later 
stated clerk, was Dr. Joseph Wilson. His young son, Thomas Woodrow, 
seven years old at the time, would later lead the reunited states in a 
war designed to 'make the world safe for democracy V 

Harold J. Dudley 

Presbyterian Synod Office 

Negro Militia and Reconstruction. By Otis A. Singletary. (New York, 
Toronto, Canada, and London, England: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 
Inc. 1963. Illustrations, notes, and index. Pp. ix, 181. $2.25 [paperback] ) . 

One welcomes this paperback edition of a recent reconsideration of 
one segment of the continuing enigma of Reconstruction. Effectively 
written and containing several pertinent illustrations, the volume was 
published initially in 1957, and its author has since become Chancellor 
of the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. 

The creation of the Radical militia is depicted as a realistic pro- 
tective device inspired by the withdrawal of Federal troops, with such 
forces being utilized to a varying degree in all but four of the re- 
constructed States. Such an armed Republican wing composed pri- 
marily (not entirely) of Negroes understandably provoked the oppo- 
nents of Reconstruction, and there was sufficient militia misuse and 
misbehavior to both provide effective propaganda and heighten the 
bitterness. A test of power, and sometimes of brutal violence, followed, 
in which the Republican militia displayed inefficiency and failure 
more often than not. The Redeemers were more successful. As need 
or opportunity suggested, they utilized legal strategems, social ostra- 
cism, bribes, economic sanctions, treachery, and violence to demolish 
an armed force, whose demise was a part of the general collapse of 
Reconstruction governments in the South. A naive and timid Republi- 
canism toyed with force more than it dared utilize it and was over- 
powered with ease by a more confident, competent, and ruthless op- 

Book Reviews 267 

This volume is an effective discussion of the Republican militia, 
which primarily provides one with a picture rather than an explanation 
of the Reconstruction rivalry. In his more general interpretations the 
author was necessarily forced to rely often upon traditional, suspect 
accounts, and several of his own conclusions regarding the militia 
debate. One might, for example, question the conclusion that Re- 
publicans erred in failing "to employ the militia forces to the full 
extent of their power," or one might doubt that "the racial affront" was 
the real core of white hatred and violence. But thoughtful history in- 
variably stimulates such controversy, and Chancellor Singletary has 
succeeded in providing a vital and balanced portion of the final tale. 

Otto H. Olsen 
George Mason College 

Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy. By Albert Burton Moore. 
(New York: Hillary House Publishers Ltd. [Reprint] 1963. Notes and 
index. Pp. ix, 367. $7.50.) 

This book, first published in 1924, portrays conscription in the 
Southern Confederacy. During the year after the Fort Sumter attack, 
April 12, 1861, the volunteer system was used, but slowness of re- 
enlistments by the twelve-month volunteers necessitated conscription. 

The first conscription act adopted, April 16, 1862, provided for con- 
scription for a period of three years of all white men between the ages 
of eighteen and thirty-five and allowed the employment of substitutes. 
An exemption law was enacted on April 21, 1862. Conscription was 
extended in September to men of forty-five and in February, 1863, to 
men between seventeen and fifty. 

Conflict between Confederate and State governments was inevitable. 
Exigencies of war demanded immediate establishment of a strong 
central government, a contradiction of secession. Conflicts arose im- 
mediately, particularly with respect to the substitute and exemption 
provisions of the conscription laws. The substitute system was based 
on financial standing rather than man power needs. Discontent with 
this system and need for additional troops caused its abolition in 
December, 1863. Likewise, the exemption system was a serious prob- 
lem. Exemptions included Confederate, State, and local officials, local 
militia, and many other classifications, each classification being in- 
terpreted broadly. The number of exemptions became alarming, caus- 

268 The North Carolina Historical Review 


ing a near breakdown of conscription. Dual control of conscription by 
the Confederate and State governments added immensely to the 
confusion and dissatisfaction. 

Bitter conflicts arose between Richmond and the State courts when 
conscription officials arrested accused draft-evaders and principals 
after their substitutes became subject to the draft. Some State judges 
released them under habeas corpus, causing its suspension, such sus- 
pension being ignored in some States. The Confederate Constitution 
provided for a Supreme Court, but it was never implemented. 

On the results of conscription, the author observes: "A system of 
recruitment that enabled, the Confederacy to maintain itself against 
tremendous odds for so long a time deserves a more sympathetic con- 
sideration than it has customarily had. ... it saved the Confederacy in 
the summer of 1862 by keeping the seasoned twelve month's troops 
in the army and by stimulating extensive volunteering." 

Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy represents an im- 
mense amount of work. Its organization leads to some repetition. Clear- 
ness would have been enhanced by more year identifications. It is an 
important contribution to the knowledge of Confederate conscription 
and is a valuable background in the study of United States draft sys- 

Clarence D. Douglas 

The Southern Frontier. By John Anthony Caruso; maps by Neil E. Bol- 
yard. (Indianapolis, Indiana, and New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 
1963. Maps, notes, bibliography, acknowledgments, and index. Pp. 448. 

This is a very readable account of some of the more dramatic and 
romantic aspects of the history of the southern frontier, apparently 
directed toward a popular rather than a scholarly audience. A reader 
anticipating a history of the southern frontier will be disappointed. 
Ten of the 16 chapters deal with Florida from Ponce de Leon to the 
early American period. The others treat Carolina, Louisiana, Mississip- 
pi, and Georgia in selected episodes, except Chapter 15, "Masters and 
Slaves," which is only incidentally frontier. The last is unfortunate be- 
cause there is much to be written of the plantation and slavery as 
frontier institutions, particularly in Florida during the American Ter- 

Book Reviews 269 

ritorial Period, when planters were opening up Middle Florida by 
clearing the forests in the manner commonly associated with pioneer 
farmers. Slaves ran away from these frontier plantations and produced 
some of the strongest demands for the removal of the Seminole Indians 
from the region. The balance is strongly in favor of such episodes as 
the wrangle between Governor Andrew Jackson and the departing 
Spanish governor Jose Callava over the papers in the Mercedes Vidal 
case, which takes up about two of the nearly 17 pages allotted to the 
years between 1821 and 1845 in Florida. John Law's Mississippi career 
also gets a disproportionate amount of space in Chapter 10. 

Nor is anything new added to the knowledge of the southern fron- 
tier about which, incidentally, there is still much unknown. In the 
acknowledgments (p. 241) the author expresses his obligation to 
scholars who have done the spade work in the manuscript sources, 
as he also does in the footnotes. There can be no quarrel with this, 
but one wonders about his overlooking such a work on the frontier in 
the Second Spanish Period in Florida as Professor Rembert W. 
Patrick's, Florida Fiasco: Rampant Rebels on the Georgia-Florida 
Border, 1810-1815 (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1954). 
However useful such a book may be, the history of the southern 
frontier remains to be written. 

Charlton W. Tebeau 
University of Miami 

Royal Raiders : The Tories of the American Revolution. By North Callahan. 
(Indianapolis, Indiana, and New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, 
Inc. 1963. Bibliography, notes and index. Pp. 288. $5.00.) 

North Callahan has again provided an informative, lively and anec- 
dotal book for those who are interested in the American Revolution. 
Of the countless Tories who fill these pages, many will come alive to 
readers for the first time. In a dozen chapters, the author confidently 
guides his readers into the life of the American Tory. After awakening 
the reader's interest in an initial chapter detailing the events of the 
Battle of Moores Creek Bridge, the author drops back to examine the 
English reaction to the Colonial position. Following this introduction, 
Callahan describes the nature and development of the Tories in 
America and the main areas of their action. Considerable attention is 
directed toward their military activity both in organized battle and 

270 The North Carolina Historical Review 


as less formal guerilla fighting. Quick informal raids appear to have 
been more characteristic of Tory tactics, perhaps because many 
British commanders distrusted them and were reluctant to use them. 
The war, where Tory and Patriot came into conflict, was an especially 
bitter one. Brother fought brother, father sided against son, families 
were split, and closest friends became bitter foes. In dealing with this 
situation the author demonstrates the true tragedy of the conflict. 

All too little has been written about the Loyalists in the Revolution 
since the works of Sabine and Van Tyne, and much of that has been all 
too partisan. Fortunately there is a resurgence of interest in this much 
maligned group. Certainly this book is an important step in that direc- 
tion. Here is an abundance of material on the activities of the Tories 
and of the action of the Patriots against them, but there is too little 
effort, by comparison, to explain what caused them to make the choice 
they did. Why, between two similar men did one choose one side and 
one the other? Certainly we do get a clear idea that there were many 
different kinds of Tories, from the emotionally charged and vindictive 
extremist to the moderate, almost neutralist position. At times the 
abundance of anecdotes appears to get in the way of more important 
development. Why, for example, nearly two and a half pages of stories 
illustrating the humor of the Reverend Mather Byles of Boston in a 
chapter on the "Role of Religion"? In spite of such shortcomings, how- 
ever, this is an important contribution to the understanding of the era 
of the Revolution. North Callahan writes well, and he knows the 
American Revolution. He has already demonstrated this in his able 
biographies of Knox and Morgan. All who are interested in this great 
movement should be gratified for his effort. 

Carlos R. Allen, Jr. 
Colorado State University 

Travels in North America in the Years 1780, 1781 and 1782. By the 
Marquis de Chastellux. A revised translation with Introduction and 
Notes by Howard C. Rice, Jr. (Chapel Hill. The University of North 
Carolina Press, for The Institute of Early American History and Cul- 
ture, Williamsburg, Virginia. 1963. Illustrations, notes, and index. 
Volume I, Pp. xxiv, 361; Volume II, Pp. ix, 365. $15.00.) 

When these volumes first appeared in the 1780's they attracted 
considerable interest on both sides of the Atlantic. The Baroness 

Book Reviews 271 

d'Oberkirch decided in her memoirs that Chastellux "attaches great 
importance to what he eats, for the book consists mainly of a detailed 
description of the dishes served to him each day/' She could not have 
been more wrong; for as another contemporary noted, Chastellux 
"possessed a great store of intelligence and brilliant flashes [which] 
would from time to time pierce the slight haziness that enveloped his 
ideas." A protege of Voltaire and member of the French Academy, the 
Marquis de Chastellux was also one of three major generals who ac- 
companied Rochambeau and the French expeditionary forces to 
America. As a soldier he admits that "camps, battlefields, and all that 
relates to war have been the principal objects of my curiosity, [and 
therefore] only military men can read me from beginning to end with 
some interest; but it is easy to skip these passages, which are recog- 
nizable from the first lines, or at least skim through them rapidly." 

Chastellux was intrigued by the elusive problems of "public happi- 
ness" and national character. As a sophisticated product of the En- 
lightenment he sensitively distilled what seemed to him essential 
qualities of the American— "this new man." Although one may not 
always agree with him, his composite portrait sketches most of the 
important features with deft accuracy. He found our manners "pure 
and respectable," with vice "so foreign and so rare." He appeared 
humorless, however, and overly fond of discussing politics, particularly 
the origins of the American Revolution. So strongly did the liberated 
Colonials resent their erstwhile imperial ties that they refused to admit 
they spoke English. They preferred to call it American. Nevertheless 
the Frenchman felt "the Americans have not notably enriched their 
native language. Anything that had no English name has here been 
given only a simple designation." 

American women— a special object of his concern— seemed serious, 
attractive, open to compliment, "or even [to] receiving a few caresses, 
provided it was without any appearance of familiarity or wantonness." 
Children in the Confederation he regarded as spoiled, perhaps because 
he believed— mistakenly, I think— that Americans had twice as much 
leisure as Europeans. Land in the New World appeared inferior in 
quality, the animals more easily tamed, and the citizens inclined to 
eat less at a sitting but more frequently than their brethren abroad. 
Chastellux did not commit the crime of creating an archetypal Ameri- 
can, however. He recognized their heterogeneity and regional varia- 
tions. The settled South and New England did not share the same 
temperament; and both differ radically in these pages from the fron- 
tier. To this nobleman the "mountain people" were handsomer and 
healthier than those on the seaboard. 

272 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Chastellux usually showed a sure sociological sense. He realized the 
practical necessity of religious toleration in a plural society, although 
he displayed considerable intolerance himself for the Quakers. He 
noted the slothful effect that slave-owning induced in the masters, as 
well as the fact that color raised serious barriers to successful emanci- 
pation. The white servant might eventually take his place in a free 
society; but assimilation of the Negro would be hindered by his badge 
of blackness. Unfortunately Chastellux fell into an error common then 
as later, namely that the slaves were insensitive to suffering. 

This journal of a journey through eight of the thirteen newly inde- 
pendent States includes detailed descriptions of the Natural Bridge, 
opossum, and North American birds that should delight the naturalist. 
The antiquarian and historian will be pleased with Chastellux's narra- 
tion of such stories as the Pocahontas legend and his occasional dis- 
cussions of colonial development. He was very much interested in the 
geographical influences on urban growth, particularly at Richmond, 
Philadelphia, and Portsmouth. Political scientists should be attracted 
by his observations on the structure of the new State and county gov- 
ernments. He questioned what seemed a dangerous dabbling with 
democracy. Popular governments would inevitably be weak ones, he 
felt. Hence his support for the idea of an elite leadership similar to 
Jefferson's aristocracy of talent. 

Chastellux was himself, as Benjamin Franklin noted in 1780, "a 
soldier, a gentleman, and a man of letters." He commanded the respect 
of his American contemporaries, so that one of the great values of his 
travelogue is the sequence of interviews with statesmen of the new 
nation. His friendships provide a plenary panorama of the greatest 
generation of political leadership in the history of the United States. 
Washington, Jefferson, Samuel Adams, Robert Morris, Jonathan Trum- 
bull, and Jeremiah Wadsworth are all featured performers in this story, 
along with Paine, Lafayette, and many other participants in the drama 
of independence. 

Unfortunately for Tarheel enthusiasts Chastellux never went south 
of Virginia; and his primary comment on North Carolina alludes to 
its settlement by impoverished Scotsmen and subsequent difficulty 
with internal dissension. Happily there exist several valuable accounts 
by other contemporary pilgrims who did visit North Carolina exten- 
sively in the Confederation period: Johann Schoepf, the German; 
J. F. D. Smyth, an Englishman; and the Venezuelan Francisco de 

Chastellux's account has for too long been inaccessible; all the more 

Book Reviews 273 

reason why this definitive edition collating the previous ones ought to 
be acclaimed with a great tribute to the publishers and Howard C. 
Rice, Jr., chief of rare books at the Princeton University Library. He 
has personally retraced most of the Marquis' path. The resulting il- 
lustrations and excellent maps enable the reader almost to participate 
as a companion. The translation is smooth and graceful; the differentia- 
tion and dating of daily entries improves upon earlier texts. Mr. Rice's 
exhaustive notes correct Chastellux's orthography and geography when 
necessary and refer the reader to a mine of related information. In 
short, the scholarly apparatus is flawless. 

Michael G. Kammen 
Harvard University 

The Jeffersonians in Power: Party Operations, 1801-1809. By Noble E. 
Cunningham, Jr. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 
for The Institute of Early American History and Culture at Williams- 
burg, Virginia [1963]. Illustrations, bibliographical note, and index. 
Pp. ix, 318. $7.50.) 

In the second of his studies of Jefferson's Republican Party, Pro- 
fessor Cunningham, through extensive investigation and use of con- 
temporary sources, gives an informative, if not moving, account of the 
workings of that Party. He has also sought to throw more light on 
Jefferson's leadership, on lesser leaders, and on the formation of 
American political habits. He has accomplished his purpose. 

The chapters on the patronage ably explain Jefferson's modified 
policy of moderation toward appointments and the pressures and prob- 
lems he faced in implementing it. Party organization at congressional, 
nation-wide, State, and local levels is described. The Federalist poten- 
tial threat continued to be an irritating stimulant to the party's de- 
velopment during the initial eight years of Republican administration. 
Finding and keeping competent and acceptable party leaders in House 
and Senate tried Jefferson's leadership. The Party's national organiza- 
tion was dominated by the congressional caucus and its committees. 
Professor Cunningham opens up paths to further study as he treats the 
subject of party operations by sections and States and finds consider- 
able variety but a developing organization with trends toward more 
popular acceptance and participation. In New England organization 
was centralized but local activity was marked in Massachusetts. The 

274 The North Carolina Historical Review 

more advanced and less centralized organization in the Middle States 
was plagued by intra-party dissensions. Except in Virginia, party or- 
ganization was less formal in the South and West. Everywhere party 
unity had to be maintained in the face of disputes over appointments, 
leadership, and candidacies. The maneuverings of the Burr and Clinton 
factions in New York, the Pennsylvania factional feuds, the association 
of John Randolph with the Quids, and Monroe's challenge to Madison's 
candidacy are clarified. Jeffersonian relations with the press are as- 
sessed in terms of the involvement of editors in party activities and the 
promotion and use of particular organs. Campaign methods reflect 
the Party's concern for public relations. Its tax-reduction policy proved 
to be one popular asset in its voter appeal. 

Professor Cunningham concludes that Jefferson was personally ef- 
fective as a political leader, that his party was successful in administer- 
ing the government of the United States and that together they con- 
tributed direction to the developing American political system. 

Lawrence F. Brewster 
East Carolina College 

The Leaven of Democracy: The Growth of the Democratic Spirit in the 
Time of Jackson. Selected and edited with Introduction and Notes by 
Clement Eaton. (New York: George Braziller, Inc. 1963. Pp. xvi, 490. 

The Leaven of Democracy, one of the volumes in The American 
Epoch Series, is a compilation of travel accounts, letters, diaries, 
journals, and other contemporary works describing American politics 
and society during the period from the 1820's through the 1850's. The 
editor, Clement Eaton, Professor of History at the University of Ken- 
tucky, has divided his selections into nine categories dealing with such 
topics (to mention only a few) as "The Politicians in Washington," 
"The Old South: Land of Chivalry," "The Plain People," and "The 
American Character and Regional Differences." 

The selections are varied in length: The longest (16 pages) is "A 
Virginian Likes New England," from the travel journal of Lucian 
Minor and the shortest is a two-line excerpt from a letter of Andrew 
Jackson to "Andrew Jackson Donaldson [sic~\ ," in which the Old Hero 
declared in 1824 that "If I am elected to fill the Presidential chair it 
must be by the people; and I will be the President of the nation, and 


Book Reviews 275 

not a party." Several items, including some gleaned from the manu- 
script collections at Duke University and the University of North 
Carolina, have not been previously published. 

Mr. Eaton, a native of Winston-Salem, has not overlooked the State 
of his birth in choosing his selections. He has reprinted, for example, 
Thomas Hart Benton's moving tribute to Nathaniel Macon— "the pride 
and ornament of my native State," as the Missouri Senator hailed his 
political mentor. Also included are Henry Barnard's account of a visit 
to Chapel Hill in 1833, as recorded in letters to his brother; a descrip- 
tion of the "Piny Woods" in 1857 by David Hunter Strother ("Porte 
Crayon"); and the impressions of Sarah Hicks Williams, "A Yankee 
Bride in North Carolina," taken from her letters written during the 
1850's. These letters, incidentally, were originially edited by James C. 
Bonner and first appeared in the July and October, 1956, issues of 
The North Carolina Historical Review. 

These visitors all regarded the Old North State as an impoverished 
commonwealth whose citizens lolled in the lap of inactivity. "If you 
call Long Island behind the times," wrote Mrs. Williams, "I don't 
know what you would call North Carolina. It has been rightly termed 
Rip Van Winkle." Barnard declared that the residents of Chapel Hill 
"like most southerners are indolent." He particularly relished an anec- 
dote told him by Professor Elisha Mitchell concerning the wife of a 
former governor from the western part of the State who declared "that 
she would not remove to Raleigh, because she would be obliged to 
wear stockings and shoes." "Porte Crayon" found the inhabitants of 
eastern North Carolina "lazy and listless" and described their dwellings 
as "but little better in appearance than the huts of our Western 

Somewhat debatable is Mr. Eaton's assertion in his general intro- 
duction that "today Jackson is perhaps more esteemed as a strong and 
useful president than at any time since his death." True, as he points 
out, Jackson ranked sixth among the notable presidents in the 1962 poll 
of historians conducted by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr., but in a similar 
poll 15 years earlier Old Hickory had been rated a "Great President," 
only to be demoted in the 1962 survey to the less exalted ranks of the 
"Near Great." The Introduction also contains a few errors of fact. 
This reviewer, having written a study of Mississippi politics during 
the Jackson era, was naturally sensitive to the misspelling of Seargent 
Prentiss' first name, to the erroneous statement that Robert J. Walker 

276 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in 1845 was "a former New Yorker," and to the mistaken identification 
of George Poindexter as a Senator from Alabama. 

Edwin A. Miles 
University of Houston 

The Whirligig of Politics: The Democracy of Cleveland and Bryan. By 
J. Rogers Hollingsworth. (Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago 
Press. 1963. Illustrations, notes, and index. Pp. vii, 263. $5.00.) 

Professor Hollingsworth of the University of Illinois has written 
a history of the Democratic Party between the years 1892 and 1904, 
which he prefers to call a "whirligig" of politics. That this period is 
rightly labeled a "whirligig" is apparent to those who recall the historic 
struggle between the colorful William Jennings Bryan and the portly 
Grover Cleveland for control of the Democratic Party. Hollingsworth 
is concerned here with the failure of both Bryan and Cleveland to form 
a coalition capable of challenging the Republican Party's leadership. 
This failure resulted in the gradual deterioration of the Democratic 
Party until it was helpless to prevent the election of McKinley, Theo- 
dore Roosevelt, and Taft. 

This book contains little that is new. Rather, it is a rehash of poli- 
tical events from 1892 to 1904. Yet this work will be valuable to both 
the historian and political scientist because the author goes into a 
detailed account of the Democratic Party's leadership. 

Professor Hollingsworth has documented his book well. His large 
bibliography contains all the sources necessary to authenticate this 
political history. If the author can be criticized for any one thing here 
he can be accused of not using the complete papers of Eugene Debs 
and David Starr Jordan. The authors style is direct and clear. But few 
historians will wish to agree that "As we are not likely to discover any 
significant new sources of material for the study of American political 
history during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the 
important thing is to make new use of old sources. . . ." 

The Whirligig of Politics can be recommended, therefore, for those 
interested in a thoroughly detailed account of an "old chestnut." 

Frank Grubbs 
Meredith College 

Book Reviews 277 

Fathers to Sons: Advice Without Consent. Edited and with an Introduc- 
tion by Alan Valentine. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1963. 
Pp. xxxii, 237. Notes, bibliography, and index. $4.95.) 

At first glance this volume might appear to be just another anthology 
of letters for after-dinner browsing. In roughly chronological order, 
the extracts range from the time of Lorenzo de Medici to our own 
Franklin D., each with a thumbnail sketch of the writers and recipients 
in their social context to make good any defects in the reader's memory 
or education. But this is far more than a bedside book. The editor, a 
Rhodes Scholar, onetime president of the University of Rochester, and 
himself a father, writes with humor and insight on an enduring theme, 
the alienation of the generations, neatly mirrored in his subtitle and 
elaborated in a provocative Introduction. 

The problem, of course, is to bridge the gap from father to son. 
Should advice-offering fathers "give precedence to indoctrination or 
self -development, to discipline or sympathy . . .? Should a son be 
tailored to fit society or to improve it, to adjust or assert?" Fathers have 
repeatedly grappled with these dilemmas, but editor Valentine ques- 
tions whether or not the effort has ever really been worthwhile: "The 
fine art of paternity must be learned from experience that usually 
brings its wisdom too late." Younger sons, he observes, get off more 
easily because by their time father has achieved "either more wisdom 
or a clearer recognition of his own futility." That word futility is the 
dominant motif. Styles may change from the self-confident authori- 
tarian of yesteryear to the baffled camaraderie of today's more permis- 
sive parent, but the problem remains, a persisting dimension of 
tragedy, the isolation of father from son. What a pity, Valentine la- 
ments, ". . . so many generations of experienced fathers have not left 
their successors a single dependable manual of the profession. . . ." 
In a sense, this anthology is just such a manual. 

Still, for all the tragedy, there is delightful entertainment here. One 
example must suffice: Dr. Benjamin Rush admonishes his son to 
write "even a common note" as if one day it were to be "read in 
court," but to no avail. He soon complains "Your last was scarcely leg- 
ible and point of composition . . . very improper for a junior ... at 
Princeton. . . . From a sense of duty I shall continue my usual kindness 
to you. I have therefore enclosed you the money you have requested." 

I. B. Holley, Jr. 
Duke University 

278 The North Carolina Historical Review 



A biography, David Lowry Swain: Governor and University Presi- 
dent, has been written by Cordelia Camp and published by The 
Stephens Press, Inc., P. O. Box 5256, Asheville. Twelve chapters dis- 
cuss Swain's life from boyhood days through his career as a leader 
in North Carolina's political and educational life. The 64-page illus- 
trated booklet includes a bibliography and is indexed. Miss Camp's 
study will be particularly useful as a supplement to the texts used by 
children studying North Carolina history in the seventh or eighth 
grades. Paper-bound copies are $1.00, and copies bound in library 
buchram are $2.50; these may be ordered from the publisher or from 
the author at 3 Lorraine Avenue, Asheville. 

History of Tyrrell County, by David E. Davis, is a 98-page booklet 
printed by offset. Recent statistical information adds to the value of the 
account of the County's history. Illustrations, a list of important dates 
in Tyrrell County history, statistical tables, maps, and bibliography 
are included in the publication. Orders may be sent to the author, 
Route 1, Box 143, Columbia, North Carolina. 

The Department recently received The Flight of the Clan and "Some 
Historic Families of South Carolina," written by Frampton Erroll 
Ellis. The former is a small pamphlet which includes a diary of 1865 
by Emily Caroline Ellis with an Introduction and notes by Frampton 
E. Ellis. The latter is a 92-page booklet, originally printed in 1905, and 
reprinted in 1962. Genealogical history of 15 families is given and 
interested persons may address inquiries to Mr. Ellis, 1109 Georgia 
Savings Bank Building, Atlanta 3, Georgia. 

A copy of Williford and Allied Families, has been received by the 
State Department of Archives and History. The 284-page book is by 
William Bailey Williford, and copies may be obtained from him at 
24 Collier Road, N. W., Atlanta 9, Georgia, for $15 each. Genealogists 
will be interested in references to many North Carolinians, including 
Thomas, Nathan, Britain, and Samuel Williford; Judge William Wil- 
liams; Philip Wilhite and family; Robert Weakley, Jr.; Cadwallader 
Jones IV; Willie Jones; and Judge John Sitgreaves. The book is in- 
dexed and there is a bibliography. 

William Perry Johnson, Editor of Journal of North Carolina Gen- 
ealogy, has issued Volume I of his Index to North Carolina Wills, 

Book Reviews 279 

1663-1900. The Index includes a listing of wills from Alamance, Alex- 
ander, Alleghany, Anson, Ashe, and Beaufort counties. The name of 
the testator, date of probate, and volume and page of the appropriate 
record book are given for each will. Copies of the publication may be 
ordered from Mr. Johnson, P. O. Box 531, Raleigh, 27602, for $4.00. 

Early American Hurricanes, 1492-1870, by David M. Ludlum, is 
the first volume in a projected series entitled The History of American 
Weather. Information on the years 1501 through 1700 is all given in 
one chapter, but a geographical breakdown is used for the later years. 
Hurricanes in the Gulf Coast area, those from Hatteras north, and 
those from Hatteras south are discussed. Sections entitled "Biblio- 
graphy to 1870," "Chronological Index: 1528-1870," and "Geograph- 
ical Index by States: 1528-1870" add to the value of the data. Numer- 
ous journals and first-hand accounts were used in compiling material 
for the book. Clothbound copies are $7.00; paper-bound copies are 
$5.00. Orders may be sent to the American Meteorological Society, 
45 Beacon Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02108. 



The Notth Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission 

A twenty-five member Commission has been appointed by Governor 
Terry Sanf ord to serve during the remainder of the Civil War Centennial. 
Reappointed for a third term were the following: Colonel Hugh Dortch, 
Chairman, Goldsboro; Judge W. H. S. Burgwyn, Woodland; Mrs. D. S. 
Coltrane, Raleigh ; Mrs. G. W. Cover, Andrews ; Dr. W. S. Jenkins, Chapel 
Hill ; Mrs. Mary Jane McCrary, Brevard ; Senator Hector MacLean, Lum- 
berton; Judge R. Hunt Parker, Raleigh; Mr. John R. Peacock, High 
Point; Dr. Robert H. Woody, Durham; and Mrs. Charles U. Harris, 
Raleigh. Second term reappointments include Dr. H. H. Cunningham, Elon 
College; Mrs. R. 0. Everett, Durham; Mr. Ernie Greup, Durham; Mrs. 
Sadie S. Patton, Hendersonville ; Dr. Robert Long, Statesville; Mr. F. C. 
Salisbury, Morehead City; Mrs. Alvin Seippel, Winston-Salem; Mr. Glenn 
M. Tucker, Carolina Beach; Mr. R. F. Van Landingham, Thomasville; 
Mrs. Jessie Ruth Seagroves, Siler City; Mrs. Earl Teague, Statesville; 
and Mr. George Myrover, Fayetteville. The twenty-fifth and newest mem- 
ber is Mr. W. Cliff Elder of Burlington, Colonel of the North Carolina 
Sixth Regiment. Ex officio members of the Commission are Dr. Christopher 
Crittenden, Director, State Department of Archives and History; Dr. 
Charles F. Carroll, Superintendent, State Department of Public Instruc- 
tion; and Mr. Robert L. Stallings, Director, Department of Conservation 
and Development. 

The twelfth plenary meeting of The North Carolina Confederate Cen- 
tennial Commission was held on January 17 in the Tartan Room of 
Balentine's Confederate House in Cameron Village, Raleigh. Following 
the welcome and introduction of new commissioners and staff members, 
the Executive Secretary, Mr. Norman C. Larson, reported on activities 
of the Commission during the year 1963. Commenting on a proposed 
schedule of Centennial events in 1964-1965, the Executive Secretary said 
that there would be an emphasis on commemorative activities, highlights 
being the anniversary of the Battle of Fort Fisher and the signing of the 
surrender and beginning of peace at the Bennett Place. A major order of 
business was the election of a board of directors for The North Carolina 
Confederate Corporation and an executive committee for the Commission. 
Elected to the former group were Mrs. Cover, Dr. Crittenden, Col. Dortch, 
Mr. Elder, Mr. Greup, Senator MacLean, Mrs. McCrary, Mr. Peacock, and 
Mr. Tucker. New members of the executive committee are Colonel Dortch, 
Mrs. Harris, Mrs. Seippel, Dr. Woody, Mrs. Seagroves, Mrs. Everett, Mr. 
Salisbury, Dr. Cunningham, and Judge Parker. 

Historical News 281 

The Council of State has allocated $10,000 from the Contingency and 
Emergency Fund to the North Carolina Confederate Centennial Com- 
mission to continue the Ram "Neuse" project and to make the Confederate 
gunboat a permanent memorial. Specifically, the money will be used to 
remove the vessel from the bank of the Neuse River near Kinston to the 
Governor Richard Caswell Memorial property where a permanent loca- 
tion has been assigned to it, to construct an access road to the site, to pro- 
vide a concrete foundation for the vessel, and to preserve it. The action 
by the Council climaxes efforts begun two years ago by the Lenoir County 
Centennial Committee, the city of Kinston, the Board of County Commis- 
sioners, and the North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission to 
raise the Civil War relic from the waters of the Neuse and place it on 
dry land. 

The Mecklenburg Board of County Commissioners announced the ap- 
pointment in December of Mr. Harry T. Orr as chairman of the newly- 
formed Mecklenburg County Centennial Committee. This action by the 
Board raises the number of local committees in the State to 73. 

A resolution expressing support of the North Carolina Confederate 
Centennial Commission in its program during the last years of the Civil 
War Centennial was adopted by the North Carolina Literary and His- 
torical Association at its annual meeting in Raleigh, December 7. The 
resolution was presented by the Executive Secretary of the Commission, 
Mr. Larson. 

During January Mr. Larson spoke to several groups about the activities 
of the Confederate Commission. On January 16 he met with the New 
Hanover County Centennial Committee and the Fort Fisher Restoration 
Committee to discuss plans for commemoration of the Battle of Fort 
Fisher. A tentative outline of events met with the approval of the group. 
Mr. Larson presented a slide program about diving explorations of sunken 
Civil War ships in North Carolina waters to the Hagerstown, Maryland, 
Civil War Round Table on January 23 and repeated the program on the 
following evening to members of the same organization in Harrisburg, 

On January 30 an organizational meeting of the Andrew Johnson- 
Bennett Place Commemoration Committee was held in Durham. The Com- 
mittee, combining members of the Andrew Johnson Commission, the 
Bennett Place Memorial Commission, and the Confederate Centennial 
Commission, met to establish itself officially and elect officers and direc- 
tors to plan a joint commemoration of the Bennett Place surrender and 
the anniversary of Andrew Johnson's succession to the office of President 
of the United States. Officers elected were: Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
Chairman; Mrs. Joye E. Jordan and Mr. R. O. Everett, Vice-Chairmen ; 
and Senator Hector MacLean, Secretary-Treasurer. Elected to the Board 
of Directors were: Mr. Greup, Mr. H. C. Bradshaw, Mr. A. H. Graham, 
and Mrs. Everett. Honorary members of the Board elected were Mrs. 
Taylor Cole, Dr. Woody, and Senator Claude Currie. Mr. Larson was 
elected to serve as Executive Director. 

282 The North Carolina Historical Review 


Mrs. Frances Ashford of the Hall of History staff and Mr. Larson ad- 
dressed an assembly of junior and senior high school students in Bath on 
February 5. Mr. Larson spoke on "The Civil War." 

A meeting of the Executive Committee of the Andrew Johnson-Bennett 
Place Committee was held in Durham on February 11 for the purpose of 
selecting committees to plan the commemoration. 

The North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission announces the 
resignation of Mrs. Edward Bizzell, Jr., Administrative Assistant, and the 
assumption of her duties by Mr. Robert Jones of the staff of the 
State Department of Archives and History, who will be on temporary loan 
during the remainder of the Centennial. Also joining the Commission 
staff is Mrs. Paul V. Phillips, Jr., who will serve as secretary of the 

Colonial Records Project 

The North Carolina Colonial Records Project was transferred to the 
State Department of Archives and History on January 1, upon dissolution 
of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission. The Editor continues 
to be Mrs. Mattie Erma E. Parker. Other members of the Project staff 
are Mrs. Violet W. Quay, Editorial Assistant ; Mrs. Audrey M. Piner and 
Mrs. Miriam B. Purvis, Stenographers; and Mrs. Rosemary C. Carmich- 
ael, Mrs. Florence T. Eubank, and Mrs. Ann S. Powe, Researchers. 

The immediate objective of the Colonial Records Project is to locate, 
wherever they may be, all extant documents related to colonial North 
Carolina and to prepare a detailed inventory, describing each document 
and giving its location. Approximately 200,000 manuscript pages of 
colonial records in depositories in North Carolina have been examined 
and inventoried. The staff is now inventorying the colonial court records 
in the State Department of Archives and History. 

A search for North Carolina colonial records outside the State is also 
under way. This search is being conducted in the archives of the thirteen 
original States, manuscript depositories in major cities and universities, 
and other depositories which are known or thought to have North Caro- 
lina records. It has been completed and the pertinent records have been 
inventoried in forty depositories outside North Carolina, in many of which 
significant discoveries were made. Discoveries of important papers, in- 
cluding correspondence of governors, legislative records, and papers of 
prominent residents of the colony, have been made in such widely separated 
places as Massachusetts, Texas, and Michigan. Plans for extending the 
search to foreign countries are now being formed. It is already known 
that important records of colonial North Carolina are in Great Britain, 
Switzerland, Germany, France, and other foreign countries. 

After the necessary information has been obtained, photocopies of the 
records found outside North Carolina will be obtained for manuscript 
depositories in the State. The more important documents will be published 
in a new series of North Carolina colonial records. 

Historical News 283 

Director's Office 

Effective in January, Mr. Paul Kelly joined the staff of the Department 
as Consultant. Mr. Kelly for approximately 30 years was associated with 
the State Department of Conservation and Development in various capa- 
cities. He is assisting with the Department's public information program. 
On January 6 Mr. Edmund H. Harding, Chairman of the Historic Bath 
Commission; Mr. Dan Paul, Treasurer of the Commission; Dr. Christo- 
pher Crittenden, Director of the Department ; Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic 
Sites Superintendent; and Miss Mary B. Cornick, Budget Officer, met in 
Dr. Crittenden's office to discuss the program of Historic Bath. 

On January 15 Dr. Crittenden attended a meeting of the Raleigh His- 
toric Sites Commission at which Mr. Hal W. Trentman, Chairman, pre- 
sided. The group discussed possibilities of issuing a brochure; Mrs. Roy 
Wilder reported for a committee which had investigated various types 
of publications applicable to the project. At the February 19 meeting of 
the Commission a "Minute Man" committee — Mr. Banks Talley, Mr. 
Henry Haywood, and Mrs. Raymond Murray — was appointed to investi- 
gate the present status of houses and buildings in Raleigh designated for 
preservation. Serving on the criteria committee will be Mr. F. Carter 
Williams, Mr. Ben Williams, and Mr. Tarlton. The brochure to be pub- 
lished by the Commission will contain pictures of Raleigh houses, a list 
of local historic sites, and a statement of the purpose of the Commission. 
Dr. Crittenden, who serves as a consultant to the group, and Mr. Tarlton 
will study the phrasing of the text for the brochure. A number of related 
groups have expressed interest in working with the Commission. Four 
additional committees were appointed — publicity, liaison, research, and 
a committee to provide speakers to publicize the objectives and work of 
the Commission. Mr. Trentman and Miss Beth G. Crabtree, Secretary, 
will serve as ex officio members of the six committees. 

On January 23 the Executive Committee of the North Carolina Literary 
and Historical Association met to plan the meetings of the various Cul- 
ture Week societies. Present were President James W. Patton, Vice-Presi- 
dents Mr. Ovid Pierce and Mrs. Ina W. Van Noppen, Secretary-Treasurer 
Dr. Crittenden, Executive Committee members Mr. Henry W. Lewis, Mr. 
John F. Blair, and Dr. Herbert Paschal, Jr., and Administrative Assistant 
Mrs. W. L. Burts. An invitation was considered to hold Culture Week in 
Winston-Salem in 1966 as a part of the 200th anniversary of the founding 
of Salem. Following a brief recess the Executive Committee reconvened 
with representatives of other societies joining the group. Present were 
Mr. Dan Paul and Mrs. E. A. Branch, North Carolina Society for the 
Preservation of Antiquities; Mrs. Floyd D. Mehan, North Carolina Fed- 
eration of Music Clubs; Dr. Holger Nygard, Mr. Philip Kennedy, and 
Dr. J. D. Clark, North Carolina Folklore Society ; Mrs. Van Noppen, North 
Carolina Society of County and Local Historians; Dr. Joseph C. Sloane, 
North Carolina State Art Society; Mr. John W. Fox, Roanoke Island His- 
torical Association; Mr. James Gray, Old Salem, Inc.; and Mr. William 
Fields, Associated Artists. 

284 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Historic Sites Advisory Committee met on January 29 in the 
Assembly Room of the Department. Present were the following appointed 
members: Chairman James A. Stenhouse of Charlotte, Mr. James Mc- 
Clure Clarke of Asheville, and Mrs. P. P. McCain of Wilson; and the 
following ex officio members: Mr. Hiram Casebolt of Raleigh represent- 
ing the Director of the Department of Conservation and Development; 
Dr. C. 0. Cathey of Chapel Hill representing the Chairman of the Depart- 
ment of History of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill ; and 
Mr. G. Andrew Jones of Raleigh, State Budget Officer. Also present were 
Dr. Crittenden, who serves ex officio as Secretary of the Committee ; Mrs. 
Joye E. Jordan, Museums Administrator; Miss Mary B. Cornick, Budget 
Officer of the Department; Mr. Tarlton and Mr. Walter Wootten, Staff 
Historian, Division of Historic Sites. Those present discussed appropria- 
tions made by the 1963 General Assembly and Dr. Crittenden summarized 
certain correspondence with the Attorney General's office relating to 
museums. Representative Alden Baker of Pasquotank County, who intro- 
duced the special bill which appropriated funds for the Museum of the 
Albemarle, joined the Committee for a discussion of the proposed Museum 
project; no action was taken and the matter was left open. 

Following a discussion of two projects located in Edenton, the Com- 
mittee passed resolutions that the Cupola House and the Barker House 
were approved and endorsed to receive funds appropriated by the 1963 
General Assembly. 

Discussion of a long-range Historic Sites program was postponed until 
the next meeting. 

Dr. Rubio Mane, Mexican archivist, and Mr. Gregorio Ramirez, Mexi- 
can architect, visited the Department on February 7. They consulted with 
Dr. Crittenden, Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, and Mr. F. Carter 
Williams, architect for the new Archives and History-State Library Build- 
ing. They were shown rough drawings of the new building and inspected 
the Archives and Records Center. The North Carolina Department of 
Archives and History is one of several visited by Dr. Mane and Mr. 

Division of Archives and Manuscripts 

Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, attended the annual meeting of the 
American Historical Association in Philadelphia, December 28-30, and 
participated in a council meeting of the Society of American Archivists 
held in conjunction with the Association. On January 13 Mr. Jones spoke 
to the Burlington Rotary Club and on January 28 to the American Busi- 
ness Club of Raleigh on the subject of North Carolina's historical pro- 

In the Newspaper Microfilm Project, filming of the Caucasian, published 
in Clinton, Goldsboro, and Raleigh from 1884 to 1913, was completed, as 
were titles not heretofore filmed from the towns of Greensboro, Pittsboro, 
and Salisbury, up to 1900. 

For the quarter ending December 31, the Microfilm Processing Labora- 
tory produced 1,244 reels (123,550 linear feet) of microfilm, of which 

Historical News 285 

532 reels were 35 mm. negatives, 195 reels 16 mm. negatives, 505 reels 
35 mm. positives, and 12 reels of 16 mm. positives. During the same 
period the Document Restoration Laboratory's production was 23,572 
pages of laminated records, most of which were county records. In addi- 
tion, 3,235 pages were laminated for the Southern Historical Collection 
and other institutions and individuals. 

In the Archives, accessions included a microfilm copy of the account 
book of William Hooper for 1780-1783 ; six manuscript Civil War military 
maps; and a variety of private collections, genealogical materials, and 
microfilm copies of county records and church records. 

The Search Room served 1,343 persons during the quarter, 720 by mail 
and 623 in person. Copies furnished totaled 980. The experiment of keep- 
ing the Search Room open from 8:30 a.m. to 1:30 p.m. on Saturdays has 
proven successful, and plans are to continue the Saturday hours indefi- 
nitely if the public continues to take advantage of them. The purchase of 
an ultraviolet (black) lamp has made possible the examination of faded 
documents. A badly faded manuscript map of Wilmington, heretofore 
dated by experts as 1755, can now be dated with certainty as 1735. 

Staff changes in the Archives include the promotions of Mrs. Frances T. 
Council and Mr. Roger C. Jones from Archivist I to Archivist II, and of 
Miss Betsy Fleshman from Clerk III to Archivist I. 

The security microfilming of permanently valuable records has been 
completed in Burke and Caswell counties by Local Records Section camera 
operators and in Gaston by the county operator. This brings to 35 the 
number of counties which have been completed. Work is in progress in 
Nash and Wilkes counties by Section camera operators, and in Alamance, 
Guilford, and Mecklenburg, by county operators. 

Original county records recently received from counties for permanent 
preservation in the State Archives include: 

Burke County: Criminal action papers (1829-1901). 

Caswell County: County Court Minutes (1831-1835, 1843-1862, 1866- 
1868) ; miscellaneous County Court dockets (1777-1868) ; Superior Court 
minutes (1807-1826) ; Equity minutes (1807-1868) ; miscellaneous Su- 
perior Court dockets (1823-1868) ; civil action papers of Superior and 
County Courts (1777-1878) ; administrators' and guardians' bonds (1876- 
1918) ; apprentice bonds (1880-1921) ; bastardy bonds (1877-1878) ; guar- 
dians' accounts (books and papers) (1794-1868) ; record of officials' bonds 
(1868-1907) ; records of elections (1872-1912) ; estates papers (1777- 

Davie County: Trial and state dockets of the County Court (1847- 
1868) ; Superior Court minutes (rough) (1837-1844, 1856, 1857, 1872- 
1875, 1877, 1880, 1881, 1883) ; civil and criminal action papers of Superior 
and County Court (1825-1900) ; administrators' and guardians' bonds 
and returns (1850-1870) ; estates papers (1845-1875) ; election records 
and returns (1850-1904) ; and ledgers (merchants') (1836-1838, 1846- 

Nash County: Miscellaneous County Court dockets (1782-1868) ; civil 
and criminal action papers of the Superior and County Courts (1780- 
1880) ; Superior Court minutes (1813-1868) ; Equity dockets and papers 

286 The North Carolina Historical Review 

(1811-1824) ; inventories and accounts of sales (1818-1868) ; adminis- 
trators' and guardians' bonds (1857-1915) ; guardian accounts (1820- 
1867) ; bastardy bonds (1871-1880) ; marriage record book (1851-1867) ; 
wills (originals) (1790-1906) ; index to wills (1779-1926) ; estates papers 
(1780-1880) ; record of elections (1878-1924) ; deeds, not called for (1800- 
1915) ; land entries (1838-1902) ; records of official bonds (1823-1888) ; 
division of slaves (1829-1861) ; minutes of superintendents of common 
schools (1843-1864) ; minutes of Wardens' Court (1844-1860) ; mercantile 
journal (Algood and Bunn) (1836-1837) ; and a tax list (1875). 

The following positive microfilm copies of county records have been 
processed and placed in the Search Room: 

Brunswick County: Deeds and land grants and indexes thereto (1764- 
1952) ; registration of land titles and records of survey (1905-1940) ; mar- 
riage register (1850-1961) ; index to vital statistics (1914-1963) ; County 
Court minutes (1805-1868) ; Sueprior Court minutes (1882-1944) ; records 
of administrators, executors, and guardians (1929-1963) ; record of ac- 
counts (1868-1963) ; appointment of administrators, executors, and guar- 
dians (1868-1929) ; record of settlements (1868-1963) ; record of resale 
of land (1920-1963) ; inheritance tax record (1923-1963) ; wills and in- 
dexes thereto (1764-1963) ; special proceedings (1908-1963) ; armed 
forces discharges (1927-1963) ; records of partnership and corporations 
(1889-1963) ; minutes, county commissioners (1869-1928) ; minutes, board 
of education (1872-1935) ; record of elections (1934-1962) ; and tax scrolls 

The Document Restoration Laboratory restored by lamination 20,792 
pages of county records. A total of 36 volumes were rebound at State 

In the State Records Section, the schedule for the Laboratory of Hy- 
giene, State Board of Health, has been approved, and schedules for the 
Board of Refrigeration Engineers, Board of Examiners for Engineers 
and Land Surveyors, Insurance Department, Merit System Council, and 
Rural Electrification Authority have been submitted to the respective 
agencies for approval. A revision of the State Auditor's schedule is in 
progress, as is an amendment to the Department of Conservation and De- 
velopment schedule relating to the Division of Community Planning. The 
State Department of Archives and History schedule has been amended. 

The workshops have continued, with the Correspondence Management 
and Plain Letters workshop being given three times to 57 persons repre- 
senting two agencies and the Files and Filing workshop being given two 
times to 33 persons representing one agency. 

A central file has been developed for the Department of Mental Health 
and, after approval, was installed. The Equivalency Index of the Testing 
and Pupil Classification Section of the Department of Public Instruction 
was reorganized and alphabetized. The filing system developed late in 
1962 for the State Department of Archives and History has been re- 
viewed and is generally found to be operating satisfactorily. A special 
study of duplicate accident report files of the Department of Motor Ve- 
hicles has also been made. 

Historical News 287 

In the State Records Center, 1,244 cubic feet of records were acces- 
sioned during the quarter ending December 31, and 897 cubic feet were 
disposed of, for a net gain of 347 cubic feet. The total holdings of the 
Records Center at the end of December were 28,726 cubic feet. The Rec- 
ords Center staff performed 11,788 reference services during the quarter, 
including 5,131 services in which documents or information were fur- 
nished and 6,657 items were refiled or interfiled. Ninety visitors for 17 
State agencies visited the Records Center to consult records. 

The Records Center has sold 11.54 tons of waste paper during the 
quarter for $35. 

In the Microfilm Project, 82 reels of microfilm containing 183,750 
images were filmed during the quarter. In addition, 81 reels of paid checks 
were processed for the State Treasurer. 

Mr. Leland T. Jones, Clerk II, was promoted to Clerk III effective De- 
cember 1. Mr. Alexander R. Tuten, Records Management Consultant I, 
resigned effective December 31 to take a position 4n private business ; he 
was replaced by Mr. John F. Dunning, who was appointed Records Man- 
agement Consultant I effective January 1. Mr. Robert L. Fry was ap- 
pointed Clerk II (Microfilmer) effective January 1. 

Division of Historic Sites 

There are many indications of growth in restoration activity throughout 
the State at the local level. Several county historical societies and special 
organizations have undertaken restoration or historic site projects and 
are working with commendable success. The staff of the Division of 
Historic Sites is frequently asked to assist these local or special projects. 
Thus the Department extends its work without the problems of finance 
and administration; the local projects benefit from the experience and 
professional skills of the full-time specialists of the Department. This co- 
operation results in a higher standard of accomplishment in local restora- 
tions all over the State. 

During recent months the Division has assisted the following projects : 

McDowell County Historical Society. Restoration of the Carson House, 
which has already been acquired by the Society, and planning the recon- 
struction of Davidson's Fort at Old Fort. Davidson's Fort was a pre- 
Revolutionary outpost in the settlement of the upper Catawba Valley and 
also was used during Major Griffith Rutherford's campaign against the 
Cherokee in 1775. 

Bladen County Historical Society. Restoration of "Harmony Hall," 
pre-Revolutionary home of Colonel James Richardson. Mr. A. L. Honey- 
cutt, Restoration Specialist, has been working with Mr. Chatham Clark 
and other members of the Society in planning the restoration. 

Catawba County Historical Association. More adequate marking of the 
Bunker Hill Covered Bridge near Claremont, one of three surviving cov- 
ered bridges in North Carolina and the only one being preserved. The 
bridge is located at Connor Roadside Park on US 70, east of Claremont. 

James Iredell Association, Edenton. Restoration and improvement of 
the period furnishings, improvement in the administration of the project 

288 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and its presentation to the public. The Iredell House was the home of one 
of North Carolina's two members of the United States Supreme Court. 
Judge Iredell was appointed by President George Washington. 

Beaufort Historical Society. Planning a town-wide preservation pro- 
gram, including the acquisition and restoration of two historic buildings 
and other property for future use. Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Superintendent, and 
Mr. James H. Craig, Curator of Arts and Crafts, recently spoke to the 
Society on over-all planning and on the furnishing of historic houses, 

Hezekiah Alexander House Restoration Committee of the Daughters of 
the American Revolution, Charlotte. Additional restoration of buildings 
(including kitchen and spring house) and improvement of furnishings of 
the pre-Revolutionary stone house, home of one of Mecklenburg's promi- 
nent early citizens. Mr. Tarlton and Mr. Craig recently met with the 
Committee and recommended a plan to be followed. 

Western North Carolina. Mr. Robert 0. Conway, Site Specialist for the 
area, has investigated and made recommendations to local organizations 
concerning the old Judson College Building at Hendersonville, the Key- 
hole House at Lenoir (resulting from a letter sent by two schoolgirls to 
Governor Terry Sanford asking for aid in preserving the House), and 
the Toxaway Indian burial mound in Transylvania County. 

Pantego Historical Society, Beaufort County. This group is planning to 
acquire and preserve the old Pantego Academy building and use it as a 
local historical museum. 

Confederate fortification on Roanoke River. Mr. Tarlton, Mr. Honey- 
cutt, and Mr. Walter Wootten, Staff Historian, have inspected and investi- 
gated the remains of a large Confederate fortification near Halifax and 
recommendations have been forwarded to a local group of citizens for 
their consideration. 

Hillsborough Historical Society. Mr. Honeycutt has been working with 
this organization on the restoration of an early house which was acquired 
last year by the Society. 

Within the regular program of the Division the following events and 
developments have occurred: 

At Fort Fisher State Historic Site the newly acquired 12-acre tract on 
the ocean side has been cleared to a large extent so that visitors may 
now tour another portion of the Fort earthworks. The beach on this front 
is, however, undergoing a serious erosion and the earthworks are being 
destroyed at an alarming rate. A recent survey by Mr. Stanley A. South, 
Archaeologist, shows extensive destruction in the last four or five years. 
The New Hanover Board of County Commissioners and the Department 
have appealed to the Water Resources Commission and the State High- 
way Department for repair and stabilization of the beach to protect the 
Historic Site property and the road. The New Hanover County Confeder- 
ate Centennial Committee has made plans to commemorate the Battle of 
Fort Fisher early in 1965. An amphibious landing by armed forces and 
a display of fireworks are among the features tentatively planned. Plans 
for the restoration of the palisade and sally port on the land face of the 
Fort have been made and work is ready to begin. The visitor center- 

Historical News 289 

museum is in the final planning stage and bids will be let by mid-April. 
The building will be located outside the sally port, on the north side of 
the Fort works. 

At Brunswick Town State Historic Site the area for the visitor center- 
museum, also in the final planning stage, has been cleared and recently 
excavated colonial house foundations have been cleaned up and landscaped 
for exhibit. Mr. South, Site Specialist, has written a series of radio pro- 
grams on the history of Brunswick Town and Fort Fisher, which are 
being presented three days a week over Radio Station WMFD, Wil- 

Mr. South, at the request of the Bethabara Historical Society and Old 
Salem, Inc., has conducted preliminary investigation of the Moravian 
village site at Bethabara, the first Moravian town in North Carolina, and 
has recommended a program for further archaeological work and develop- 
ment as a historical attraction. He will continue to work on the program, 
which is being financed with funds contributed by Mr. Charles H. Bab- 
cock, Sr., of Winston-Salem. 

Mr. James Ivey, Historic Site Assistant at the Charles B. Aycock Birth- 
place State Historic Site, has been in charge of clearing the, site at the 
Governor Richard Caswell Memorial property, Kinston, for the relocation 
of the Confederate Ram "Neuse," which is soon to be moved from down- 
river where it was raised from the bottom of the Neuse River in 1963. 

The landscaping contracts for the Caswell Memorial have been com- 
pleted with the recent planting of trees along the walks and drives. The 
Frosty Morn Meat Packing Company, with a plant adjacent to the site 
on the east, has generously co-operated with the Caswell project by plant- 
ing screening trees and shrubs, making it possible at the same time for 
the Company's lake, next to the Caswell graveyard, to be an integral part 
of the landscape plan. 

At Bentonville Battleground construction of the visitor center-museum 
was begun in early January. It is expected that the building will be ready 
for occupancy by midsummer. Mr. Roy S. Dickens, Archaeologist at Town 
Creek Indian Mound, recently headed an artifact-finding expedition to 
Bentonville Battleground, which resulted in the recovery of a number of 
bullets and other battle relics for the Bentonville museum and careful 
archaeological notes for the record. 

At Town Creek the backlog of laboratory work of last summer's archae- 
ological excavations is being done during the slack winter season. The 
Archaeologist has also carried on a good deal of field survey work in the 

At Historic Bath a ceiling in the Bonner House fell, which caused con- 
siderable damage to the furnishings and resulted in the temporary closing 
in November of the two historic houses for inspection and repairs. The 
houses are now repaired and open for visitors. The kitchen at the Bonner 
House has been furnished and added to the list of attractions. Mr. Willie 
Grey Moore of Bath has been appointed to the permanent staff as Main- 
tenance Mechanic. Mr. Craig compiled an inventory of all furnishings in 
the Palmer-Marsh and Bonner houses for the Department's permanent 
records. Mr. Frank E. Walsh, Exhibits Designer, has made plans for 

290 The North Carolina Historical Review 


remodeling the reception center and historical exhibits and this work is 
now in progress. Plans are being drawn for the Ruth Smith Memorial 
Garden at the Bonner House. 

Mr. Richard W. Sawyer, Jr., Operations Manager, has co-operated with 
the staff of the Confederate Centennial Commission in making plans for 
the Centennial program for the Bennett Place, Durham. He is a member 
of the Andrew Johnson-Bennett Place Centennial Committee, designed to 
plan and promote a joint commemorative program in 1965. 

At Historic Halifax the Constitution House has been donated to the 
State by the North Carolina Daughters of the American Revolution. The 
Department will assume responsibility for the house, in co-operation with 
the Historic Halifax Restoration Association as part of the over-all pro- 
gram. Mr. Honeycutt is supervising the final stages of restoration of the 
Dutch Colonial House. The Historic Halifax Restoration Association is 
acquiring additional property to enlarge the historic area. 

Division of Museums 

A highlight for the Tarheel Junior Historian Association occurred 
December 6, at the annual meeting of the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association, when Secretary of State Thad Eure presented 
Junior Historian Awards to the first winning chapters. The 1962-1963 
president and vice-president and the 1963-1964 president and vice-presi- 
dent of the Stephen Cabarrus Chapter, Harrisburg School, Harrisburg, 
accepted the Literary Award which was presented to their club for their 
narrative history of Cabarrus County, "The Gold Nugget." Mrs. Mable 
Blume serves as the club's adviser. The Arts Award was won by the 
Roanoke Junior Historian Club, Washington Street Elementary School, 
Plymouth, for a series of oil paintings depicting the history of North 
Carolina. The five contributing artists accepted the award on behalf of 
their club. Mrs. Ruth Thomas Pharr is the club's adviser. 

For the first time since the establishment of the Junior Historian Asso- 
ciation, more than 100 Junior Historian Clubs have been organized. 

Mrs. Frances Ashford made a talk on "Culpeper's Rebellion" on Novem- 
ber 21 to the Colonial Dames of the Seventeenth Century in Raleigh. 

A talk was made to the State's Mates Club on November 11, on "Acces- 
sories from 1790 to 1920" by Mrs. Sue R. Todd. 

Mr. Samuel P. Townsend made a trip to the Preservation Laboratory 
on November 15-16, to check on progress and to make specific plans with 
Mr. John Miller for the preservation of cannon and other artifacts and to 
outline specifications for additions and improvements to the laboratory 
building. Many changes have already been made, including the addition 
of 600 square feet of storage space. A large stainless steel tank has been 
constructed which makes it possible to have 200 cubic feet of distilled 
water for use in the treatment process. A sandblasting shed has been 
added, also. Two of the cannon recovered from the "Peterhoff" in the 
summer of 1963 have been placed in huge steel vats and are undergoing 
constant fresh water washing. 

Historical News 291 

Mrs. Jordan attended the ceremonies of the sixtieth anniversary of 
powered flight at Kitty Hawk on December 15-17. Most of the staff mem- 
bers of the Division attended the organizational meeting of the North 
Carolina Museums Council in Raleigh on December 4. Mrs. Jordan was 
elected to serve as a member of the Steering Committee of the newly 
formed Council. The women staff members of the Division were present 
at a luncheon at the Velvet Cloak Inn in Raleigh honoring the Women's 
Allied Auxiliary of the North Carolina Motor Carriers Association. Mrs. 
Sue R. Todd gave a talk at the meeting on "Accessories from 1663 to 

Governor Terry Sanford formally opened the Transportation Gallery 
in the Hall of History on January 24. The exhibit was sponsored by the 
North Carolina Motor Carriers Association. A reception was held for the 
honor guests attending the ceremonies. Other persons participating were 
Dr. Crittenden and Mr. R. L. Brinson and Mr. J. T. Outlaw, President and 
Vice-President of the Association. 

Mr. Charles W. Loftin resigned on December 31 ; he had been in charge 
of the Mobile Museum of History. Since January 27 Mr. John Amari has 
been filling this position until a permanent employee can be obtained. 
Mr. James Alfred White joined the staff of the Division on December 12 
as Museums Preparator. Mrs. Betty Tyson began work on January 16 as 
a Typist-Receptionist (Temporary) and Mrs. Marge Hamilton, who re- 
cently finished the course in museum work with this Division as a Mere- 
dith College internee, reported to work January 30. She will work as a 
Typist (Part-Time) during the remainder of the college semester. 

Division of Publications 

During the fourth quarter of 1963, sales in the Division of Publications 
totaled $7,855, with $5,130 being retained by the Division and $2,725 
being turned over to the North Carolina Literary and Historical Associa- 
tion. Publications distributed included 222 documentary volumes; 6 letter 
books of governors ; 201 small books ; 13,753 pamphlets, charts, and maps ; 
48,235 leaflets and brochures; and 8,994 copies of the list of publications. 
Not included in the total of 71,411 are 1,992 copies of the Winter, 1963, 
issue of The North Carolina Historical Revieiv, and 1,773 copies of the 
November issue of Carolina Comments. There were 205 new subscriptions 
and 538 renewals to The Review. 

Indians in North Carolina, Civil War Pictures, and The Old North 
State Fact Book were reprinted. North Carolina's Role in World War II, 
North Carolina Signers: Brief Sketches of the Men Who Signed the 
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, and The North Caro- 
lina Historical Review: Subject-Title- Author-Index, 192U-196S were all 
issued for the first time. The first two new titles are pamphlets, each 
available for 25^ ; the Index is $5.00. All publications may be ordered from 
the Division of Publications, State Department of Archives and History, 
Box 1881, Raleigh, 27602. 

Plans are being made to revise the list of publications available from 
the Department. Publications should be ordered from the new list after 

292 The North Carolina Historical Review 

April 1. Copies of this list are available free of charge from the Division 
of Publications. 

Manuscript copy for Volume III of The Papers of John Gray Blount, 
edited by Dr. W. H. Masterson, was received late in 1963 and will be sent 
to the printer in the early spring. Copy for the first volume of the Jarvis 
Papers, edited by Dr. W. B. Yearns, was received in January; it, too, will 
be sent to the printer in the spring. 

Mrs. Brenda C. Whicker, Stenographer II, resigned and was replaced 
by Mrs. Marion T. James on February 4. 

Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, Editorial Assistant II, spoke to the Samuel 
Johnston Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution in Raleigh 
on January 8. She spoke to the staff of the Department on the publications 
program on January 16. Mrs. Memory F. Mitchell, Editor, spoke to the 
Clio Book Club in Raleigh on January 28. 


Dr. George Pasti, Jr., of the Department of History at East Carolina 
College, spoke at the annual meeting of the Southeastern Regional Con- 
ference of the Association for Asia Studies held at Sweetbriar College, 
Virginia, on February 14. His topic was "The Comparative Study of East 
Asian and Western History: Some Topics and Problems." Dr. Pasti has 
received, from the United States Department of Health, Education, and 
Welfare, a post-doctoral award for a year of study of the Chinese language 
and Asian history at the University of Southern California. Dr. George 
Baker had an article, "The Wilson Administration and Cuba, 1913-1921," 
in Mid-America, Volume 46, Number 1, 1963. Dr. Betty C. Congleton had 
an article, "Prentice's Biography of Henry Clay, and John Greenleaf 
Whittier," in The Filson Club History Quarterly, for October. Dr. Joseph 
Steelman was a discussant at a session on Progressivism at the annual 
meeting of the American Historical Association in Philadelphia in Decem- 
ber and Dr. Richard C. Todd spoke to the Chatham Book Club in Green- 
ville on February 4 on "Nathanael Greene: His Life and Times." Dr. 
Joseph S. Bachman spoke to the Pitt County Historical Society on Janu- 
ary 30 and Dr. Herbert R. Paschal, Jr., Director of the Department, was 
elected to the Executive Committee of the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association on December 6. 

On December 5 Dr. John H. Gilbert, Department of History and Politi- 
cal Science at North Carolina State of the University of North Carolina 
at Raleigh, moderated the Time Round Table program on "Prospects for 
the Johnson Administration" on Radio Station WKNC. Dr. Burton F. 
Beers had an article, "The Common Market, the United States, and 
American Textiles," in the Textile Forum, Winter, 1964, and Dr. Marvin 
L. Brown, Jr., had an article, "France in the Haus-, Hof-, und Staats- 
archie," in the French Historical Studies, Fall, 1963. Dr. Ralph W. 
Greenlaw is serving as general editor of the series, Problems in European 
Civilization, published by the D. C. Heath Company. 

Historical News 293 

Dean A. K. Hinds of Western Carolina College died on February 11 and 
Dr. D. C. Sossoman, Assistant Dean and Chairman of the Department of 
Social Sciences, became Acting Dean on the same day. Dr. Sossoman will 
continue his duties as Chairman. 

Dr. Norris W. Preyer, Chairman of the Department of History of 
Queens College, will be a discussant at a session on "Textiles and Southern 
Economic Development" at the May 1 meeting of the Mississippi Valley 
Historical Association in Cleveland, Ohio. The session will be sponsored 
jointly by the Textile History Association and the Historical Association. 
Dr. Cary Henderson received the Ph.D. degree in history from Duke 
University in January. 

Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon, Chairman of the Department of History and 
Political Science at Meredith College, appeared as a panelist on WRAL-TV 
on January 8. The topic discussed was "The Little Federal Plan." The 
Department is co-operating with Tulane University in a pilot project for 
early identification of students interested in and capable of a professorial 
career. The study is sponsored by a Ford Foundation grant. Dr. Richard 
D. Goff has been promoted from Instructor to Assistant Professor of 

Dr. Robert Crane of the Department of History of Duke University 
spent the academic year 1962-1963 in India on a fellowship from the 
American Institute of Indian Studies. In addition to his work in the 
West Bengal Government Archives and the National Archives of India 
in New Delhi, he served as Visiting Professor of Indian History at the 
University of Calcutta. He also read papers at three conferences which 
will be published in the proceedings of each group. Recently Dr. Crane 
was elected Fellow of the Institute of Historical Studies in Calcutta; he 
has also accepted the editorship of the Journal of Asian Studies. 

At the Philadelphia meeting in December of the American Historical 
Association, Dr. Joel Colton appraised "The Blum 'New Deal' " in a ses- 
sion on Left and Right in France in the Thirties. At the same meeting 
Dr. Robert Durden spoke on "The Populist Ticket of 1896," and Dr. John 
Tate Lanning, chairman of the nominating committee of the Association, 
addressed the Luncheon Conference on Latin American History on "The 
Hispanist in the American Historical Association." Dr. Theodore Ropp 
was a commentator at a session on Far Eastern Diplomacy and Dr. Anne 
Firor Scott described "The Southern Lady : Image and Reality" at a joint 
session with the Southern Historical Association. Dr. John Alden had a 
college textbook on American history published in late 1963 and Dr. 
Robert Durden's article, "The 'Cow Bird' Grounded : The Populist Nomi- 
nation of Bryan and Tom Watson in 1896," was published in The Missis- 
sippi Valley Historical Review for December. In the September issue of 
the same periodical Dr. Richard Watson's article, "The Defeat of Judge 
Parker: A Study in Pressure Groups and Politics," was published. 

294 The North Carolina Historical Review 



The Roanoke Island Historical Association opened the sessions of Cul- 
ture Week on December 3 with its annual business meeting of membership 
at a luncheon. Mrs. Fred W. Morrison of Washington, D. C, Chairman, 
presided at the meeting. Mr. John W. Fox of Manteo, General Manager of 
"The Lost Colony," gave a report on the work of 1963. Officers of the 
Association for the coming year are Mrs. Morrison (third term), Chair- 
man; Mrs. J. E. Winslow, Vice-Chairman ; Mrs. Burwell Evans and Mr. 
Chauncey S. Meekins both of Manteo, Secretary and Treasurer, respec- 
tively. Mr. William S. Powell of Chapel Hill was elected Historian. 

Directors re-elected were Mr. J. Sibley Dorton of Chapel Hill, Mr. C. 
Alden Baker and Mr. Albert W. Card of Elizabeth City, Representatives 
Herbert C. Bonner of Washington and Mr. M. K. Fearing of Manteo, 
Mrs. Luther H. Hodges and Mrs. Sam J. Ervin, Jr., of Washington, D. C, 
Mrs. 0. Max Gardner of Shelby, and Dr. Frank P. Graham of New York 

New directors are Dr. Deryl Hart of Durham, Mr. Huntington Cairns 
and Mr. James Morton of Washington, Mr. M. L. Daniels, Jr., of Manteo, 
Mr. Walter R. Davis of Midland, Texas, Mrs. Haywood Duke of Greens- 
boro, and Mr. Sam Ragan of Raleigh. 

The seventh annual Music Day, sponsored by the North Carolina Fed- 
eration of Music Clubs, was held on December 3 in Raleigh. Mrs. Floyd D. 
Mehan, President, of High Point presided at the two sessions. Presenta- 
tion of the winners of the Junior Federation Scholarships included Mr. 
Henry Adams, Greensboro, Transylvania Music Camp Scholarship by 
Mrs. Mahlon O. Board, State Junior Counselor; Miss Anna Rose Marino, 
Elon College, Federation Piano and P.J.C. Scholarships; and Mr. Chris 
Tew, Greensboro, State Junior Composition winner. Mrs. Paul Muilen- 
burg of Charlotte spoke on "The North Carolina Governor's School." 
Winning compositions of the 1963 Senior Composers' Contest, Amateur 
Division, and a tape recording of the Hunter Johnson work, commissioned 
by the Carolina Tercentenary Commission, were presented. 

At the dinner meeting Mrs. David B. Sutton, Chairman, recognized the 
winners of the 1963 Senior Composers' Contest and the State and Dis- 
trict winners of the Student Division, 1963, Auditions, were presented by 
Miss Louise Epperson, State Student Adviser, of Catawba College. A 
musical program, in which the following participated, concluded the 
evening: Miss Joyce Gift, soprano, Greensboro, and Miss Marcia Foun- 
tain, cellist, Raleigh; Mr. Paul Hickfang, baritone, Greensboro (1963 
winner in State and District) ; and Miss Nora Snornieks, pianist, New 

On December 4 the thirty-seventh annual meeting of the North Caro- 
lina State Art Society was held in Raleigh. Plans for the 1964 Art Society 
Cultural Arts Tour of Europe were discussed and officers and the follow- 
ing Board members were elected: Dr. Joseph C. Sloane, Chapel Hill, 
President; Mrs. George W. Paschal, Raleigh, Vice-President; Mr. Charles 

Historical News 295 

Lee Smith, Raleigh, Secretary-Treasurer; Mrs. W. Frank Taylor, Mr. 
Harry Dalton, Dr. Robert Lee Humber, Mrs. Richardson Preyer, Mr. 
Gregory Ivey, Mr. H. Henry Ramm, Mr. Joe Cox, Mr. George P. Geoghe- 
gan, and Mrs. Agnew H. Bahnson. At the luncheon meeting citations for 
outstanding contributions to the cause of visual arts were made and a 
demonstration and presentation of the first "Art Kit," assembled for use 
in schools, were held. At the evening meeting awards were made to the 
winners of the 1963 North Carolina Artists Exhibition and gifts from 
the Exhibition to the Museum were announced. Following the meeting a 
reception and a preview of the Exhibition for artists, members, and guests 
were held at the Museum of Art. 

The Associated Artists of North Carolina held a subscription dinner in 
Raleigh on December 4. Officers are Mr. William C. Fields of Fayetteville, 
President; Mr. Edward N. Wilson of Durham, Vice-President; Mrs. Mac- 
key Jeffries of Raleigh, Secretary; and Mrs. Peter W. Hairston of Ad- 
vance, Treasurer. 

The North Carolina Society for the Preservation of Antiquities held 
its twenty-third annual meeting in Raleigh on December 5. The Board of 
Directors of the Society had met on the preceding evening. Mrs. J. 0. 
Tally, Jr., of Fayetteville, President, presided at the meetings. Reports 
on preservation and restoration projects were presented as follows: His- 
toric Bath Commission, Mr. Edmund H. Harding of Washington ; Historic 
Hillsborough, Mrs. A. G. Engstrom of Hillsboro ; Swansboro, Rev. Tucker 
R. Littleton of Swansboro; Old Salem, Mr. Ralph P. Hanes of Winston- 
Salem; Tryon Palace, Mrs. John A. Kellenberger of Greensboro; Old 
Brunswick Town, Dr. E. Lawrence Lee of the Citadel; Edenton, Mrs. 
Carrie Earnhardt of Edenton; and "Kyle House," Mrs. Julian Hutaff of 
Fayetteville. Other reports were given by Dr. John Costlow, Mr. Chatham 
Clark, and Mr. Henry Jay MacMillan. Officers elected were Mr. Dan Paul 
of Raleigh, President ; Mrs. Horace Robinson of Littleton, Vice-President ; 
and Mrs. Ernest A. Branch of Raleigh, Secretary-Treasurer. Dr. Ivor 
Noel Hume, Chief Archaeologist at Colonial Williamsburg, Virginia, spoke 
at the luncheon meeting on "Archaeology: Handmaiden to History." 

The Charles A. Cannon Awards, presented annually by Mrs. Charles A. 
Cannon of Concord, were given at the evening meeting to the following 
persons for their contributions in the historical field : Dr. Lenox D. Baker 
of Durham, preservation of the Bennett House; Rev. Tucker R. Littleton 
of Swansboro, historic research and authorship and work at Swansboro; 
Mr. James A. Gray of Winston-Salem, for work at Old Salem, Inc. ; Hon. 
Francis E. Winslow, service as Chairman of the Carolina Charter Ter- 
centenary Commission. The Department of Dramatic Art, St. Andrews 
College, Laurinburg, with Mr. Arthur McDonald as Director, presented 
a drama, "Old Temperance Hall and the Literary Society." Excerpts from 
the Tercentenary production, "The Sojourner and Mollie Sinclair," were 
also presented at the evening meeting. 

296 The North Carolina Historical Review 


The sixty-third annual meetings of the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association were held on December 6 in Raleigh. Miss Mary M. 
Greenlee of Old Fort, Vice-President, presided at the morning session. 
Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Secretary-Treasurer, gave his report and 
Mr. A. B. Combs, Chairman of the Resolutions Committee, suggested 
resolutions that were adopted. Officers elected for the coming year are 
Dr. James W. Patton of Chapel Hill, President; Dr. Ina W. Van Noppen 
of Boone, Mr. Winston Broadfoot of Durham, and Mr. Ovid W. Pierce of 
Greenville, Vice-Presidents; and Dr. Herbert R. Paschal, Jr., of Green- 
ville, and Mr. John F. Blair of Winston-Salem, Executive Committee 
members. Dr. Mattie Russell of Duke University read a paper, "Thomas' 
Legion of Indians and Highlanders," after which Dr. E. Lawrence Lee 
of the Citadel read a paper, "North Carolina and the Spanish Danger." 
Dr. Arlin Turner of Duke University gave a review of North Carolina 
fiction of 1962-1963. Dr. Rosser H. Taylor of Western Carolina College 
presented the R. D. W. Connor Award, given anuaily by the Historical 
Society of North Carolina for the best article dealing with North Caro- 
lina which is published in The North Carolina Historical Review, to Mr. 
John L. Bell, Jr., of Western Carolina College for "The Presbyterian 
Church and the Negro During Reconstruction." Mr. W. S. Tarlton, area 
representative, presented three American Association for State and Local 
History Awards to the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, and 
the State Department of Archives and History and television station 
WBTV in Charlotte for their joint production of the film, "Profile of 
Greatness." Special awards were made by the Department to the Honor- 
able Francis E. Winslow and General John D. F. Phillips, and to 68 mem- 
bers of the Charter Commission for their contribution to the successful 
year-long celebration of the Charter Tercentenary. 

Dr. Crittenden presided at the luncheon in the absence of Mr. William 
D. Snider of Greensboro. Mr. Henry Belk of Goldsboro gave his presiden- 
tial address, read by Mrs. Belk, which noted the progress made in the 
field of history in North Carolina in 1963. Mr. Henry W. Lewis of Chapel 
Hill presented the 1963 Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Award, given annually 
by the Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Society, to Mr. Herman Salinger of Duke 
University for his volume of poems, A Sigh Is the Sword. Mrs. C. L. Gil- 
liatt of Shelby presented the American Association of University Women 
Juvenile Literature Award for 1963 to Mrs. Julia Montgomery Street of 
Winston-Salem for her book, Dulcie's Whale. Mrs. Street previously won 
the Award in 1956 for Fiddler's Fancy. Secretary of State Thad Eure pre- 
sented awards to the winners of the Junior Historian Competition (see 
Division of Museum news) . 

At the dinner meeting, presided over by Mr. William J. Cocke of Ashe- 
ville, the Salem College Choral Ensemble gave a program of Charter Ter- 
centenary commemorative music, directed by Mr. Paul Peterson. Miss 
Gertrude S. Carraway, Board Member and Director of Tryon Palace, pre- 
sented Mr. McDaniel Lewis, Chairman of the Executive Board of the 
State Department of Archives and History, an award recognizing his 
work, especially as Chairman of the Board. Mr. Lewis, presenting vol- 

Historical News 297 

umes by John Locke, acknowledged Mr. Winslow and General Phillips as 
leaders in the celebration of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary. 

Mr. Belk presided at the evening meeting at which Dr. Louis B. Wright, 
Director of the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington, D. C, made 
the address. His topic was "In Search of a Colonial Utopia." Mr. Francis 
E. Winslow, Chairman of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 
presented the awards for the literary competition sponsored by the Com- 
mission. Winners were Mr. Sam Ragan, Executive Editor of The News 
and Observer-Raleigh Times, and Mr. Thad Stem, Jr., Oxford poet, who 
shared the $500 poetry award for their "In the Beginning. . . ." Mr. Manly 
Wade Wellman won the $1,000 award for fiction for his novel, Settlement 
on the Shocco. 

Mrs. Ethel Stephens Arnett of Greensboro won the Mayflower Award, 
given by the Mayflower Society for her William Swaim' Fighting Editor, 
a biography of O. Henry's grandfather. Dr. Sturgis E. Leavitt of Chapel 
Hill made the presentation. Miss Clara Booth Byrd of Greensboro pre- 
sented the Sir Walter Raleigh Cup to Mr. Richard McKenna of Chapel 
Hill for his novel, The Sand Pebbles. This award is made annually by the 
Historical Book Club of Greensboro for the best book of fiction published 
during the year. 

A reception followed the evening session for members and guests of 
the Association. 

The fifty-second annual session of the North Carolina Folklore Society 
was held in Raleigh on December 6 with Dr. Joseph D. Clark as principal 
speaker. Dr. Clark's topic was "Fifty Years of North Carolina Folklore 
Society." He cited particularly the work of Dr. Arthur Palmer Hudson of 
Chapel Hill. Dr. Earl H. Hartsell, President, of Chapel Hill presided at 
the meeting and introduced Mr. Philip H. Kennedy of Chapel Hill, who 
gave a brief program of music from the period from 1663 to 1763. Dr. 
W. Amos Abrams presented a talk, via tape recorder, of nostalgic reminis- 
cences, "I knew Frank C. Brown." Officers elected for 1964 are Dr. Holger 
O. Nygard of Durham, President; Mr. Kennedy, First Vice-President; 
Mr. John Moser of Brevard, Second Vice-President ; and Mrs. S. R. Prince 
of Reidsville, Third Vice-President. The Society was invited by Dr. Ny- 
gard to attend a celebration at Duke University in honor of Frank C. 
Brown on April 14-16. 

The Executive Committee of the North Carolina Symphony Society held 
its annual dinner meeting at the Hotel Sir Walter in Raleigh on Decem- 
ber 6. Mr. Victor S. Bryant of Durham is President, Mrs. Carl T. Durham 
of Chapel Hill is Executive Vice-President, Mr. William R. Cherry of 
Chapel Hill is Secretary-Treasurer, and Dr. Benjamin F. Swalin of Chapel 
Hill is Director. 

On December 7 the Society of Mayflower Descendants in the State of 
North Carolina held its annual breakfast in honor of the Society's officers 
and the winner of the Mayflower Award, Mrs. Ethel Stephens Arnett. 

298 The North Carolina Historical Review 


Dr. Sturgis E. Leavitt of Chapel Hill is Governor and Mrs. William T. 
Powell of High Point is Deputy Governor. 

The twenty-second annual meeting of the North Carolina Society of 
County and Local Historians was held in Raleigh on December 7 with 
Dr. Blackwell P. Robinson of Greensboro presiding. Mr. William S. Powell 
of Chapel Hill announced that there were no entries submitted for the 
Hodges High School Award, given yearly for the best published historical 
work by high school students. Mr. Charles Dunn of Durham presented 
the Smithwick Newspaper Awards to Mr. T. H. Pearce of Franklinton for 
a Civil War article published in The Franklin Times, winner of first place ; 
Mrs. Margaret McMahan of Fayetteville, winner of second place; and 
Mr. Lewis Philip Hall of Wilmington, third place. Honorable mention 
citations went to Mr. Herbert O'Keef of Raleigh, Mr. F. C. Salisbury of 
Morehead City, Dr. Ralph Hardee Rives of Enfield, and Mr. C. A. Paul 
of Greensboro. Mrs. Ethel Stephens Arnett of Greensboro was awarded 
the Peace History Award for her volume, William Swaim: Fighting 
Editor, which also won the Mayflower Cup. Mr. A. Earl Weatherly of the 
Greensboro Historical Museum spoke on "Historical Greensboro." Dr. 
D. J. Whitener of Boone was elected President to succeed Dr. Robinson. 
Other officers are Mr. John H. McPhaul of Fayetteville, First Vice-Presi- 
dent; Miss Mary Louise Medley of Wadesboro, Second Vice-President; 
Miss Lena Mae Williams of Chapel Hill, Third Vice-President; and Dr. 
Ina W. Van Noppen, Secretary-Treasurer. 

Mr. H. Glen Lanier of High Point presided at the annual meeting of 
the North Carolina Poetry Society held in Raleigh on December 7. Read- 
ings from the winning poems in the 1963 Society contest were heard; 
Mr. Howard Gordon Hanson of Erwin spoke on "Poetry: Whither and 
Whence." Mrs. Robert Councilman of Burlington gave a report on the 
work of the Poetry Council of North Carolina and read from winning 
poems in contests sponsored by the Council. Mr. Herman Salinger of Duke 
University, winner of the Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Cup, was introduced ; 
Miss Charlotte Young of Asheville then presented the Oscar A. Young 
Memorial Award. A joint luncheon of the Society and the Society of 
County and Local Historians followed with the Hon. Francis E. Winslow 
addressing those present on the year-long celebration of the Carolina 
Charter Tercentenary. 

Mr. Jesse F. Pugh, Camden County author and educator, spoke to the 
Pasquotank County Historical Society on December 2. The Rev. George F. 
Hill also spoke briefly on the work of the late General John E. Wood, one 
of founders of the Society. Mr. L. S. Blades III gave a progress report. 
New officers are Mr. Reid Overman, President; Mr. W. C. Morse, Vice- 
President; Mr. Gordon Trueblood, Secretary-Treasurer; and Mrs. E. Pratt 
Fearing, Historian. Outgoing President Fred Markham III presided. The 
Society adopted a resolution suggesting that the names of the streets in 
Elizabeth City be changed to those of historical or other significance. 

Historical News 299 

Names of States, the eight Lord Proprietors, distinguished citizens, gov- 
ernors of the State born in the vicinity, and Indian names of the area are 
to be considered. 

The Onslow Historical Museum opened on December 4 on the first floor 
of the Ringware House in Swansboro. A regular schedule will be an- 
nounced at a future date but the Museum is open now only on week ends. 
Groups wishing to visit the Museum should write Box 21, Swansboro, to 
make advance arrangements for a guided tour. The building was a gift 
to the Swansboro Historical Society from Mr. Lee Jones, Mrs. Kathleen 
Jones Bell, Mr. John L. Bell, Mrs. Robert M. Garey, and Mrs. Elizabeth W. 
Garey as a memorial to the late J. M. Jones and his wife, Minnie Ward 
Jones. The Society has received grants totaling $1,200 since restoration 
work began in 1961. 

Mr. Tommy McNeill of Raleigh, Mr. Ted Matthews of Campbell Col- 
lege, and Mr. Malcolm Fowler of Lillington spoke at the December 12 
meeting of the Upper Cape Fear Chapter of the Archaeological Society 
of North Carolina. The meeting was held at Campbell College. Mr. Mat- 
thews and Mr. McNeill are joint owners of a large collection of Indian 
artifacts, found in the immediate area of Harnett County. These were 
displayed at the College two weeks prior to the meeting. 

The New Bern Historical Society held open house at the Attmore-Oliver 
House on December 15. A colonial motif was used for the holiday event 
and hostesses wore colonial dress. The House, free of indebtedness, was 
shown to visitors by members of the Daughters of the Revolution and local 
garden clubs and friends of the Society. 

The Lower Cape Fear Historical Society, Inc., Bulletin for February 
carried the president's message by Mr. N. Winfield Sapp, Jr., and an 
article, "Development of Libraries in the Lower Cape Fear," by Mrs. 
Barbara Beeland Rehder. Mr. Stanley A. South, Archaeologist at Bruns- 
wick Town and Fort Fisher State Historic Sites and Vice-President of 
the Society, wrote a brief report on recent developments at the two sites. 
At the February 21 meeting of the Society Dr. Blackwell P. Robinson of 
the Department of History of the University of North Carolina at Greens- 
boro spoke on "Renaissance in North Carolina." The most significant 
accomplishment of the Society to date occurred on December 20 when 
the purchase of the Latimer House for the Society's headquarters was 
completed. On February 3 necessary structural repairs and painting of the 
exterior of the house were begun. 

The State Legislative Council announced January 11 the names of mem- 
bers of the committee for the study of preservation of historic sites. 
Senator Cicero P. Yow of New Hanover County will serve as chairman. 
Members are Senator Clarence Stone, Speaker of the House H. Clifton 
Blue, Council Chairman Hugh S. Johnson, Sr., Senators Irwin Belk and 
Thomas J. White, and Representatives Gordon Greenwood, L. Sneed 

300 The North Carolina Historical Review 

High, and Sam L. Whitehurst. Included also are Senator Perry Martin, 
Representatives Thomas D. Bunn, Hoyle T. Efird, Claude M. Hamrick, 
Arthur W. Williamson, and Mrs. Grace T. Rodenbough. 

The Wake County Historical Society met on Tuesday, January 7, with 
Mrs. J. Bourke Bilisoly, President, presiding. The program featured the 
first public showing of the color film, "The Road to Carolina," produced 
for the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission by the Coordinating 
Film Board. 

The James Iredell Association has elected Mrs. Wood Privott as Presi- 
dent; she succeeds Mr. Grayson Harding, who has held the post for 
more than 10 years. Other new officers are Mrs. John Kramer, First 
Vice-President; Mrs. George Hoskins, Second Vice-President; Mrs. Inglis 
Fletcher, Third Vice-President; Mrs. P. S. McMullan, Recording Secre- 
tary ; Mrs. George Mack, Corresponding Secretary ; and Mrs. J. N. Pruden, 
Jr., Treasurer. The purpose of the Association is to preserve and restore 
the house of James Iredell, built in 1759 and now owned by the State. 

An elaborate fireworks display is being planned by the Tryon Palace 
Commission for the evening of April 2 as a climax for programs honoring 
Mr. and Mrs. John A. Kellenberger of Greensboro. The Kellenberger 
Gardens on the Palace grounds will be dedicated on that date. The fire- 
works display will feature the entire history of Tryon Palace. Narration 
is being written by Mr. Robert Jones and the narrator will be Mr. Norman 
C. Larson. 

Fire destroyed the Museum of the American Indian at Cherokee on 
January 4. The Museum, located on the Qualla (Cherokee) Indian Reser- 
vation, contained hundreds of relics, according to Mr. Richard McLean, 
owner of the building, and Mr. Walter Jackson, vice-chief of the tribe and 
head of the Cherokee Fire and Police Department. 

The Hillsborough Historical Society announces the publication of Ladies 
in the Making, by Ann Strudwick (Mrs. Frank) Nash. Mrs. Nash, an 
honorary member, has written the story of the famous old Nash and Kol- 
lock School, which operated from 1859 to 1890. A program and exhibit 
was presented on January 24 at the new Courthouse in Hillsboro. Those 
participating were Dr. George B. Daniel, program chairman, Mr. Harry 
Waldo, Mrs. Robert J. Murphy, Mrs. E. M. Lockhart, Mrs. William Hope- 
well, and the Rev. E. F. Smith. 

The Society has adapted an educational program, used successfully by 
Old Salem, to teach Orange County history to approximately 400 seventh 
and eighth grade students during April and May. Slide-lectures, guided 
walking tours, and museum visits have been planned. A special leaflet 
for the educational program is being prepared. Society membership 
totaled 460 on January 15. 

Historical News 301 

A committee headed by Mr. L. S. Blades III plans to catalog and store 
items donated for the Museum of the Albemarle. Mr. George Attix, Sec- 
retary of the Chamber of Commerce, states that items are now being 
accepted for the proposed museum. Mr. Frank Hollowell recently selected 
and contributed a number of items from the Hollowell collection. 

The Mecklenburg Historical Association met on January 20 in the 
Howell Room of the Charlotte Public Library. Mr. Linn D. Garibaldi 
spoke on "General Stonewall Jackson." Members and other citizens of 
Mecklenburg County have been asked to volunteer to serve on the Civil 
War Committee by Mr. Harry T. Orr, recently appointed to head the com- 
memoration for the next two years. He may be contacted at his home, 
2411 Randolph Road, Charlotte. 

A new history of Person County is scheduled for release in late spring. 
Written by the Reverend Harry R. Mathis, pastor of the United Church of 
Virgilina, Virginia, and the Hebron United Church of Nelson, Virginia, the 
book will contain chapters on the settlement, schools, and churches of the 

The Beaufort Historical Association met on January 20 and heard Mr. 
W. H. Potter of Beaufort describe the proposed expansion of the historical 
area of Beaufort. Eighteen students from the School of Design of North 
Carolina State of the University of North Carolina at Raleigh are en- 
gaged in a study of the oldest buildings in Beaufort. A long-range pro- 
gram of restoration was explained by Dr. John Costlow, President of the 
Association. Three weekly meetings to continue discussion of the program 
were scheduled by Dr. Costlow. The Association received a grant of $200 
from the North Carolina Society for the Preservation of Antiquities to 
be used with other funds to purchase and restore an old Beaufort home. 

Officials of "Horn in the West," the outdoor drama, announced an essay 
contest on the subject, "Daniel Boone — Empire Builder." Mr. Herman W. 
Wilcox, Executive Vice-President of the Southern Appalachian Historical 
Association, states there will be three divisions — elementary school, junior 
high school, and high school. The first prize in each division will be $35, 
second prize will be $10. The deadline for entries is April 15; winners 
will be announced June 1 and will be guests at a special performance of 
the drama on July 31. 

Dr. J. C. Yoder, Professor of History at Appalachian State Teachers 
College, was elected President of the Western North Carolina Historical 
Association on January 25 in Asheville. Miss Mary M. Greenlee made a 
report on the Carson House and the Old Fort restoration projects. The 
Association voted to endorse the projects and to contribute $50 to each. 
Mr. J. C. Hall, Assistant Police Chief of Asheville, was the principal 
speaker; he read excerpts from the Civil War diary of his grandfather. 
Admiral Ligon B. Ard reported on the Toxaway Indian burial ground 
investigation. Other officers elected include Mr. Glenn Tucker of Flat 

302 The North Carolina Historic4l Review 

Rock as Vice-President and Chairman of the program committee. Miss 
Cordelia Camp was re-elected Secretary-Treasurer. 

Dr. John R. Gibson, President, presided at the January 25 meeting of 
the Carteret County Historical Society. Mr. F. C. Salisbury was named 
Treasurer to succeed Mrs. E. G. Phillips. Dr. John Costlow, President of 
the Beaufort Historical Association, spoke on the plans for the proposed 
restoration of Beaufort. A committee composed of Mr. Thomas Respess, 
Mr. Clark Cole, and Mr. Salisbury are investigating the cost of publishing 
a series of historical papers for use by schools and libraries in the County. 

The Pitt County Historical Society held a dinner meeting on January 30 
in Greenville. Dr. Joseph Bachman of the Department of History at East 
Carolina College spoke on "William Pitt, the Elder," for whom Pitt 
County was named. Miss Elizabeth Copeland, President of the Society, led 
a discussion on the need for a county history. She appointed a committee 
to study the possibilities of sponsoring such a project. The next meeting 
of the group is set for April 23. 

The Newsletter of the Brunswick County Historical Society for Novem- 
ber has an article by Mr. Stanley A. South, Archaeologist at the Bruns- 
wick Town State Historic Site. Entitled "Buttons from the Ruins at 
Brunswick Town and Fort Fisher," the article is one of several by the 
author dealing with artifacts uncovered during site excavations. Part II 
of an account of the Cape Fear area is also given in the issue as well as a 
notice of the November meeting of the Society. 

The Gaston County Historical Bulletin for Fall, 1963, contains a repro- 
duction of the Gaston College seal recently adopted by the trustees of the 
College. Much of the issue is devoted to articles relating to the proposed 
community college which will be a drive-in college without dormitory 
facilities. Scheduled to open for the 1964-1965 session, the two-year school 
will be located near Dallas. Mr. W. T. Robinson of Cherryville is Presi- 
dent of the Gaston County Historical Society and Mrs. William N. Craig 
of Gastonia is editor of the Bulletin. 

The Moore County Historical Association met on January 28 with Presi- 
dent Colin Spencer of Carthage presiding. "Shall This Pass?," a program 
dealing with the Old Temperance Hall near Wagram, was presented by 
the Highland Players of the Division of Music, Art, and Drama of St. 
Andrews College, Laurinburg. In addition to songs from the nineteenth 
century, the poetry of John Charles McNeill, a native of the Laurinburg- 
Wagram area, was read. 

The Beaufort County Historical Society re-elected Mr. Edmund H. 
Harding of Washington as President at its February 6 meeting. Other 
officers are Mr. Henry Rumley, Vice-President; Mrs. Louise S. Satter- 
waite, Secretary; and Mr. Fred Mallison, Historian. Mr. Harding plans 

Historical News 303 

to call a special meeting of township vice-presidents to co-ordinate new 
areas to be included in the preservation program. The Society heard a 
report from Mrs. John A. Tankard on visitation to Historic Bath sites, 
now under the supervision of the State Department of Archives and 

The Board of County Commissioners of Northampton County voted on 
February 3 to relinquish the use of a building on the Courthouse Square 
for a historical repository and county museum, to be supervised by the 
County Historical Society. Society President Eric Norfleet headed a dele- 
gation requesting the use of the one-time clerk of court and register of 
deeds office. The decision of the Board will further plans for a historical 
museum to house artifacts and exhibits relating to the history of North- 
ampton County. 

The Murfree Historical Association, Inc., on December 4, filed papers 
with Secretary of State Thad Eure for a charter to operate as a nonprofit 
organization. The group proposes to raise funds to acquire "Melrose/' 
the Murfree House, to restore the structure, and to make it available as 
a place of historic interest. Mr. Edwin P. Brown of Murfreesboro was 
elected President of the Association. Other officers elected to serve with 
him are Mr. Richard T. Vann, Vice-President; Mr. Henry K. Burgwyn, 
Secretary-Treasurer; and Mrs. Ethleen V. Underwood, Recording Sec- 

Mrs. Edwin P. Brown of Murfreesboro, chairman of the heritage com- 
mittee of the North Carolina Federation of Women's Clubs, has arranged 
a "Heritage Walking Tour of the State Capital City." The dates of Heri- 
tage Week were from March 3 to March 7 with additional tours set for 
April 2 and May 1. More than 600 persons attended the tour in 1963. 

At the February 5 meeting of the Catawba County Historical Associa- 
tion plans for a membership drive were made. Special emphasis will be 
placed on enrolling all history teachers in the County schools and those at 
Lenoir-Rhyne College. Announcement of recent donations to the Museum 
was a highlight of the meeting. Donors include members of the McCon- 
nell, Haupt, Yount, and O'Berry families. Mrs. Marguerite May reported 
on other recent acquisitions of the Museum. 

The Caldwell County Historical Society on February 7 voted $700 to be 
used in the restoration of the Keyhole House (George Powell) located on 
the Seehorn place in Lenoir. Arrangements have been made by Mr. Eric 
Miller, chairman of the project, to purchase the House from Mr. Thad 
Mullis. It is thought that the dwelling is the second brick house to be built 
in Caldwell County. Two high school students, Misses Ginny Ann Bush 
and Deidre Smith, spoke at the meeting on the history of the House and 
the need for restoration. Miss Mary Maynard is President of the Caldwell 

304 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Friends of Old Salem fund has reached $13,000, received from 228 
donors. This will serve as an operating budget, if an additional $2,000 is 
received before April 30. President James A. Gray of Old Salem, Inc., 
announces plans for the construction of a reception center, post office, and 
restaurant at an estimated cost of $200,000. They will be located at the 
corner of Old Salem Road and Academy Street, with an exit into Salt 
Street, if permission can be obtained to close the latter street. The old 
Winkler Bakery Building on South Main Street has been purchased from 
Mrs. Alice Lee Googe Bauer of Morgantown, West Virginia. This build- 
ing and the old Butner Hat Shop, adjacent to it, have been slated for 
restoration by 1966. The Fourth House at 450 South Main Street, restored 
as far as practicable, has been leased from the Forsyth County Colonial 
Dames. Purchased by that group in 1936 the house will be used as a resi- 
dence. Many experts believe it to be the only usable dwelling, of half- 
timber structure, in the United States. 

Dr. Donald M. McCorkle, musicologist and founding Director of the 
Moravian Music Foundation, has been appointed Professor of Music at 
the University of Maryland. He will assume his new position at the 
College Park school at the beginning of the 1964 summer school session, 
at which time his resignation from the Foundation will become effective. 
He began a research project in 1954, which later was expanded into the 
Foundation. The discovery of music manuscripts of the eighteenth and 
nineteenth centuries, and their later publication and recording, has at- 
tracted international recognition. Since the Foundation began in 1956, 
Dr. McCorkle has collected and catalogued thousands of compositions for 
the Moravian Archives in Winston-Salem and Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. 

On February 18 more than 200 members of the North Carolina Coastal 
Historyland Association met in New Bern with Mr. Gordon Gray of 
Winston-Salem and Washington, D. C, as principal speaker. Mr. Gray 
is presently Chairman of the National Trust for Historic Preservation. 
State Senator P. D. Midgett, Jr., of Engelhard presided at the business 
session held at Tryon Palace. Committee chairmen who made reports were 
Mr. Dan Paul, Raleigh, historic resources ; Mr. Louis Howard, New Bern, 
attractions and accommodations ; Mr. Robert T. Ellett, Jr., Winston-Salem, 
planning and projects; Mr. William Shires, Raleigh, promotion; Mr. 
T. Carl Brown, Raleigh, education; Mr. Glenn M. Tucker of Carolina 
Beach, constitution and bylaws ; and Mr. Ted Davis, Raleigh, membership. 
Officers re-elected were Mr. Midgett, President; Mr. Edmund H. Harding, 
Washington, and Mr. Tucker, Vice-Presidents; Mr. Alonzo C. Edwards, 
Hookerton, Treasurer; and Dr. Gertrude S. Carraway of New Bern, Sec- 
retary. Miss Evelyn Covington of Raleigh was elected Assistant Secretary 
and Mr. L. S. Blades III, Elizabeth City, was elected Vice-President to 
succeed Mrs. Lucille Winslow of Hertford. The group adopted a resolution 
recommending that ferry service be instituted between (1) the Outer 
Banks and Hyde County, (2) Topsail Island and Hampstead, (3) Pamlico 
and Craven counties, and (4) from Fort Fisher to Brunswick County. 
Also adopted was a resolution that the State Board of Education institute 
training courses for distributive service employees to enable them to 

Historical News 305 

deal more satisfactorily with the traveling public and that the history- 
teachers at all levels familiarize themselves with United States, State, and 
local history as it relates to the coastal area being developed. A memorial 
resolution was read praising the late Charles J. Parker of the Department 
of Conservation and Development for his many efforts to advertise North 
Carolina and particularly for the work he did for the year-old Coastal 
Historyland Association. 

The American Folklore Society will hold its spring meeting with Duke 
University Press, the North Carolina Folklore Society, and the Graduate 
English Club of Duke University on April 23-25 at Duke University. The 
final volume, VII, of The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina 
Folklore will be released by the Duke Press on April 24 with appropriate 
ceremonies. Professor Holger Nygard, President of the North Carolina 
Folklore Society and a member of the English Department at Duke, is 
serving as program chairman. 



The Editorial Board of The North Carolina Historical Review is 
interested in articles and documents pertaining to the history of North 
Carolina and adjacent States. Articles on the history of other sections 
may be submitted, and, if there are ties with North Carolinians or 
events significant in the history of this State, the Editorial Board will 
give them careful consideration. Articles on any aspect of North Caro- 
lina history are suitable subject matter for The Review, but materials 
that are primarily genealogical are not accepted. 

In considering articles, the Editorial Board gives careful attention 
to the sources used, the form followed in the footnotes, and style in 
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interpretation. Clarity of thought and general interest of the article 
are of importance, though these two considerations would not, of 
course, outweigh inadequate use of sources, incomplete coverage of 
the subject, and inaccurate citations. 

Persons desiring to submit articles for The North Carolina Historical 
Review should request a copy of The Editors Handbook, which may 
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partment of Archives and History. The Handbook contains informa- 
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accordance with the established policy of the Editorial Board. Since 
usually a large backlog of material is on hand, there will ordinarily be 

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The editors are also interested in receiving for review books relating 
to the history of North Carolina and the surrounding area. 

Articles and books for review should be sent to the Division of 
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Raleigh, North Carolina. 

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'he North Carolina Historical Review 

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William S. Powell 

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George M. Stephens, Sr. 

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Fletcher M. Green 

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This review was established in January, 1924-, as a medium of publication and dis- 
cussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions by exchange, 
but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price^ is $3.00 per year. 
Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., for which 
the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication without further payment. Back 
numbers still in print are available for $.75 per number. Out-of-print numbers may be 
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Historical Review. The Review is published quarterly by the State Department of 
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Raleigh. Second class postage paid at Raleigh, North Carolina. 

COVER— St. Paul's Church, Edenton, as drawn by Porte Crayon and 
reproduced in Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 1856. For an article on 
southern protestantism and the Negro, see pages 338 to 359. 

Volume XLI Published in July, 1964 Number 3 



E. Milton Wheeler 


Durward T. Stokes 


1860-1865 :-338 

W. Harrison Daniel 



William E. King 


CRISIS OF 1933 370 

James C. Daniel 




The American Drawings of John White, 1577- 
1590, by H. G. Jones 383 

Merrens, Colonial North Carolina in the Eighteenth Century: 
A Study in Historical Geography, by Richard Beale Davis 384 

Fletcher, Ashe County: A History, by C. F. W. Coker 386 

Stroud, In Quest of Freedom, by Cyrus B. King 387 

Hall, Abel Parker Upshur: Conservative Virginian, 1790-18^, 
by Noble E. Cunningham, Jr 388 

Greene, The Quest for Power: The Lower Houses of Assembly 
in the Southern Royal Colonies, 1689-1776, by W. Edwin Hemphill . . 389 

Peckham, The Colonial Wars, 1689-1762, by William S. Powell 390 

Rankin, The American Revolution, by Hugh T. Lef ler 392 

BROWN, The Galvanized Yankees, by T. Harry Gatton 393 

Simkins, The Everlasting South, by Fletcher M. Green 394 

Hutchinson and Rachal, The Papers of James Madison, Volume 3, 
3 March 1781 - 31 December 1781, by J. Edwin Hendricks 396 

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Harry S. 
Truman. Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements 
of the President, January 1 to December 31, 19 U7, by 
Willard B. Gatewood, Jr 397 

Dorson, Buying the Wind, by Wilma Dykeman 399 

Lathrop, Old New England Churches, by C. C. Ware 400 

Other Recent Publications 401 


By E. Milton Wheeler* 

Charles II planted the seed of the militia system in North Carolina 
when he granted the eight Lords Proprietors of Carolina in their 
Charter of 1663 the authority "to levy, muster and train all sorts of 
men" in defense of their new Colony. 1 It was realized that the settlers 
of Carolina faced potential harassment from three areas: the Indians, 
the buccaneers lurking in the inlets along the coast, and England's 
European rivals. Spain particularly resented the founding of Carolina, 
especially after its second Charter extended the boundaries two de- 
grees farther south, admittedly as a "thrust at Spanish Florida." 2 
Since stationing regulars in Carolina would have been impracticable, 
a militia-type defense was outlined to protect the Colony. 

Several provisions during the early Proprietary Period should have 
led to a strong militia. In their second Charter ( 1665 ) , the Proprietors 
were again granted the right to muster their Colonists and even to 
lead them on expeditions outside the Colony. 3 This was an unfor- 
tunate precedent, for later, during Indian Wars and the American 
Revolution, there would be those who would contend that it was 
illegal to send the militia into other provinces. The Proprietors con- 
ferred upon their Governor of Albemarle County in 1667 the power 
to divide the settlers into companies and to train them in the arts of 
war. 4 Giving legal status to the embryonic militia, the feudalistic Fun- 
damental Constitutions of 1669 required "all inhabitants and freemen 

* Mr. Wheeler is Assistant Professor of History at William Carey College, Hatties- 
burg, Mississippi. 

1 William R. Saunders (ed.), The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh: The 
State of North Carolina, 10 volumes, 1886-1890), I, 31, hereinafter cited as Saunders, 
Colonial Records. Sir Robert Heath, who received a patent to Carolina in 1629 but 
failed to establish a Colony, had also been permitted to organize a militia. Since this 
project did not materialize, however, the permanent North Carolina militia system 
dates from the Charter of 1663. Saunders, Colonial Records, I, 10, 11. 

2 Oscar Theodore Barck and Hugh Talmage Lefler, Colonial America (New York: 
Macmillan, 1958), 158. 

3 Saunders, Colonial Records, I, 112. 

4 William S. Powell (ed.), Ye Countie of Albemarle in Carolina (Raleigh: State De- 
partment of Archives and History, 1958), 23-24. The Proprietors planned three 
counties in "Carolina" — Albemarle and Clarendon in what is present-day North Caro- 
lina, and Craven, within the limits of modern South Carolina. 

308 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of Carolina," over seventeen and under sixty, "to bear arms and serve 
as soldiers whenever the grand council shall find it necessary." 5 Pro- 
prietary instructions to the governors continued to call for the develop- 
ment of a militia. 6 Governors were designated ex officio commander- 
in-chief with the provision that the President of the Council should 
assume this position in the governor's absence. As commander-in- 
chief, the governor would appoint and remove all officers in the 

Despite these official pronouncements encouraging a militia system, 
little was accomplished during the first 50 years of Proprietary rule to 
put the militia on a sound basis. Indeed, poor organization was repre- 
sentative of this period. Vacillating Proprietary policy and weak, in- 
effectual governors created discontent among the settlers, sometimes 
leading to armed rebellion. Queen Anne's Commission on Proprietary 
Colonies reported in 1706 that, in general, little defense was provided 
for the settlers in such Colonies and that there was no regular militia 
establishment in some. 7 Even had there been better leadership in the 
Colony, the formation of a militia would have been no mean feat at 
this time. The population of 4,000 in 1675 was so spread out that it 
was not only inconvenient, but dangerous for a man to leave his 
family to attend public musters. 8 What roads there were hardly de- 
served the name. The situation had hardly improved 26 years later, 
with a population estimated at only 5,000, there were still no towns 
in North Carolina. 9 As a result, militia musters were almost unknown 
in North Carolina before 171 1. 10 

A devastating Indian War was necessary to convince the Colony's 
legislators that a general reorganization of the militia was vital to the 
security of the inhabitants. The Tuscarora War of 1711-1712 revealed 
the feeble structure of the Colony's defense. 11 If timely aid from 

5 Walter Clark (ed.), The State Records of North Carolina (Winston, Goldsboro, 
Raleigh: The State of North Carolina, 16 volumes and 4-volume index [compiled by 
Stephen B. Weeks for both Colonial Records and State Records], 1895-1914, XXV, 135, 
hereinafter cited as Clark, State Records. 

6 Saunders, Colonial Records, I, 239, 361, 389. 

7 Saunders, Colonial Records, I, 632. 

8 Hugh Talmage Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina : The History of a 
Southern State (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1954), 600, 
hereinafter cited as Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina. 

9 Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 600. Bath, North Carolina's first town, was 
laid out in 1705 and incorporated March 8, 1705/06. Lefler and Newsome, North Caro- 
lina, 50. 

10 Charles Lee Raper, North Carolina: A Study in English Colonial Government 
(New York: Macmillan Company, 1904), 171, hereinafter cited as Raper, North 
Carolina: A Study in English Colonial Government. 

11 Samuel A'Court Ashe, History of North Carolina (Greensboro: Charles L. Van 
Noppen, 2 volumes, 1908), I, 179-190. James Hall Rand, The Indians of North Caro- 
lina and Their Relations with the Settlers (Chapel Hill: The University [of North 
Carolina; Volume 12, Number 2 of The James Sprunt Historical Publications], 1913), 

North Carolina Militia 309 

South Carolina under Colonel John Barnwell had not arrived, the War 
could have devastated the province. It was an impressive lesson. The 
Militia Act passed in 1715 served as the foundation of the system for 
the remainder of the colonial era. 12 Under this act, the governor re- 
tained his role of commander-in-chief and the power to appoint offi- 
cers for mustering and field action. Lower echelon officers bore the 
responsibility of organization. For instance, it was the captains' duty 
to compile a muster roll ( corrected and revised each October ) , listing 
all the freemen in their districts between sixteen and sixty. Those who 
were enlisted in the militia were required to appear at muster at 
such places as the governor would "from time to time" appoint. They 
were to bring with them "a good gun well-fixed," a sword, and at 
least six charges of powder and ball. Because militia rules and orders 
had been so flagrantly ignored in the Tuscarora War, a system of fines 
was included to encourage obedience. Captains who did not compile 
militia lists as prescribed were fined five pounds, while militiamen 
who did not appear at musters properly equipped (unless they had 
an excuse from their commanding officer) were charged a similar 

Although the primary purpose of the musters was to train and 
exercise the militia in the use of firearms, contemporary descriptions 
suggest that muster days were also occasions of social functions. Dur- 
ing peacetime a carnival spirit was evident at the muster site. The 
1715 Act attempted to curb more unruly soldiers. Captains were em- 
powered to punish militiamen who resisted their officers or refused 
to obey commands; suggested punishments included tying recalci- 
trants neck and heels, forcing them to run the gauntlet, or having them 
"ride the wooden horse." 13 This was but another effort to instill dis- 
cipline in a people who had come to believe, from living on the fron- 
tier, that every man could be a general. 

There were certain groups of men who were not required to per- 
form militia service. Those exempted under the 1715 Act included: 
ministers of the Church of England, practicing physicians, "chiru- 
geons," members of the General Assembly, clerks of the courts of 
justice, marshals, constables, deputies, attorneys, secretaries, those 
who had served as field officers or captains in the militia, and those 
"bearing the office ... or [who] hath borne the office of Lords Pro- 

12 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 29-31. 

13 In Colonial military parlance, "riding the wooden horse" refers to forcing the 
culprit to straddle a horizontal pole for a given period of time with guns tied to his 
legs to weigh them down. Theodore Ropp, War in the Modem World (Durham: Duke 
University Press, 1959), 39. 

310 The North Carolina Historical Review 

prietors." Justices of the peace who were not military officers were 
likewise exempted. 14 Exemption from musters, however, did not re- 
lieve a person of his military responsibilities. For example, those 
exempted were to provide themselves with arms and ammunition and 
were subject to the governor s commands during times of crisis. 

In the event of invasion or an expedition "against the Indian 
enemy," the governor was empowered to call out as many of the 
militia as he felt necessary. 15 But although he was commander-in- 
chief, the governor seldom led the forces into the field. This responsi- 
bility was delegated to the colonel, lieutenant colonel, or major. Cap- 
tains, as the commanders of the various companies, designated the 
rendezvous to which their men should report in times of stress. Other 
positions of the company table of organization at this time were that 
of aid-major, lieutenant, ensign, sergeant, and private. Militiamen 
were instructed to bring with them "well-fixed Amies," at least one 
quarter pound of powder and a pound of "swan or goose" shot or 
bullets. Those who refused to comply were forced to pay 50 shillings, 
or the marshal was allowed to confiscate their goods or estate to 
satisfy the fine. Should the marshal find no property, the sergeant 
could hire out the delinquent at the rate of five shillings per week 
until the fine was paid. Deserters were subjected to a court-martial 
composed of one field officer and four captains. Militiamen who were 
"wounded, hurt or maimed" in the service of the Colony and who 
could not afford to pay for the necessary care could have their medi- 
cal expenses paid by the public and would be given one "Negro man- 
slave," as an early form of pensioning. The wife and family of a mili- 
tiaman killed in action would also receive a Negro man-slave as com- 
pensation. 16 

Finally, the 1715 Act set up a wage scale that allowed the following 
daily wages for service at musters and in campaigns: colonel, ten 
shillings; lieutenant colonel, nine shillings; major, eight shillings; cap- 
tain, five shillings; aid-major, five shillings; lieutenant, three shillings; 
ensign, three shillings; sergeant, two shillings; and private, one shilling 
sixpence. A unique feature was included within the wage scale. No 
commanding officer could receive more than the pay of an ensign 
unless he had at least 20 men in his party. At least 40 men were neces- 
sary to receive lieutenant's pay, 60 for captain s, 100 for majors, and 
200 for colonel's pay. 17 

"Clark, State Records, XXIII, 29. 
15 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 30. 
M Clark, State Records, XXIII, 30. 
17 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 31. 

North Carolina Militia 311 

Contrasted to the fragmentary defense system of the Colony's first 
50 years, the 1715 Act was a major advance for North Carolina's 
militia organization. Had it been enforced, North Carolina could have 
eventually displayed a model militia. There were, however, several 
pitfalls that impeded smooth development. In the first place, no regu- 
lar muster schedule was provided. The governor was to order musters 
"from time to time," but there was no specified number he had to 
call during any given period of time. Because memories of the Tusca- 
rora War were still fresh, musters were held periodically for a few 
years after the 1715 Act. When the Tuscaroras moved out of the Colony 
and the Indian menace subsided, interests in musters waned and con- 
sequently the militia became inactive. 18 Furthermore, too much mili- 
tary authority was given to the governor. In consequence, the quality 
of the militia system was determined, to a large extent, by the caliber 
of the governor; and, unfortunately, the governors of the latter Pro- 
prietary Period were hardly better than their oftentimes inefficient 
predecessors. Moreover, although the 1715 Act provided for fines and 
other penalties for disobeying the militia law, the statute was loosely 
enforced, leaving wide loopholes in the system. Subsequent militia 
acts cite the negligence of officers in enforcing the law, and provide 
for means to penalize such officers. 19 

When the Colony was transferred from Proprietary to Crown con- 
trol in 1729, the militia remained in its lethargic state. The province 
was at peace; why be concerned about a militia system? In fact, the 
instructions to the first Royal Governor, George Burrington, seemed 
to favor an inactive, though prepared, militia: "You are to take es- 
pecial care that neither the frequency nor unreasonableness of remote 
marches, musterings, & trainings be an unnecessary impediment to 
the affairs of the inhabitants." 20 A report written in 1726 went so far 
as to suggest that the entire militia system be abolished! The logic 
behind such a bold stroke was stated: 

... we learn from Experience that in a free Country it [the militia] is of 
little use. The people in the Plantations are so few in proportion to the 
lands they possess, that servants being scarce, and slaves so excessively 
dear, the men are generally under a necessity there to work hard them- 
selves in order to provide the Common necessities of Life for their Fam- 
ilies, so that they cannot spare a day's time without great loss to their 
Interest . . . wherefore a militia there would become . . . burthensome to 

^Raper, North Carolina: A Study in English Colonial Government, 172. 

19 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 244, 246, 247, 518; XXIV, 359, 360; XXV, 336. 

20 Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 113. Richard Everard held office from 1729 to 
1731 until Burrington arrived from England. 

312 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the poor people. . . . But besides it may be questioned how far it would 
consist with good Policy to accustom all the able Men in the Colonies to 
be well exercised in Arms. 21 

This proposal concluded that a small standing army paid by the Colo- 
nists was the answer to the problem of defense. Those who preferred 
the militia to remain weak had a friend in Governor George Burring- 
ton. His administration, 1731-1734, was so replete with feuds between 
the executive and legislative branches that no militia act nor any other 
act was passed. 

When Gabriel Johnston succeeded Burrington in 1734, he was quick 
to note the run-down condition of the militia. In an address before 
the Assembly in 1735, he urged that the militia be placed "on a better 
footing" in order that it could assist the civil magistrates in putting 
"an end to the disorders and riotous proceedings" that prevailed in 
the Colony. 22 Two years later Johnston complained to the Board of 
Trade that it was "a peculiar hardship" to serve in a place where 
there still was no "fitt nor effectual law for raising the militia." 23 Be- 
cause of Johnston's persistence and the outbreak of war with Spain, 
a Militia Act was passed in 1740, but it only slightly modified the Act 
of 1715; hence, a revision was necessary again in 1746. 24 

According to the Act of 1746, servants as well as freemen were 
required to enlist in the militia, whereas millers and ferrymen were 
added to the exemption list. 25 There were now to be two types of 
musters, with a scheduled time for each to meet. Colonels were to 
call a general muster of their regiments once a year, while captains 
were to order their companies to meet four times a year at private 
musters. Each company was to number 50 privates, three sergeants, 
five corporals, and two drummers in addition to the captain. The 
captain was to see that his men came to the musters properly equipped 
and that the Militia Act be read and explained to them at least once 
a year. It was also his duty to use the money from fines (collected 
from absentees or ill-equipped militiamen ) to purchase drums, colors, 
ammunition, and other "implements of war" for his company. He was 
to turn in a report of such fees annually to the colonel of the regi- 
ment, who would then pass it on to the governor. 

In a province the size of North Carolina where distance added to 
the problems of mobility, it is puzzling that there were no provisions 

31 "A Short Discourse on the Present State of the Colonies in America with Respect 
to the Interest of Great Britain," Saunders, Colonial Records, II, 632-633. 

22 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 78. 

23 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 242, 243. 

24 Raper, North Carolina: A Study in English Colonial Government, 172. 

25 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 244-247. 

North Carolina Militia 313 

for cavalry under the earlier militia statutes. The 1746 Act rectified 
this by authorizing the governor to appoint "troops of light horse/' 
Although exempt from mustering in "foot companies," the newly- 
formed cavalries were required to gather at the same times, and were 
subject to the same penalties as the infantry militia. They, too, were 
to furnish their own equipment: a good case of pistols, a broad sword, 
a fuzee (fuse) with swivel and belt, and a cartridge box containing 
24 cartridges of powder and ball. 

A spirit of co-operation with neighboring provinces— often conspic- 
uously absent in the Colonial era— appeared in the 1746 Act. 27 If 
Virginia or South Carolina were invaded, the governor could send as 
many of the militia as he felt necessary into those provinces to help 
repel the invasion. 28 The invaded province, however, should first 
request such assistance and, of course, pay the expenses of the North 
Carolina militia. 29 

All officers and soldiers were given pay increases in the 1746 Act. 
In this wage scale, majors were elevated to the same pay as lieutenant 
colonels, surgeons were to receive lieutenant's pay, sergeants were 
to be given the same pay as ensigns, and drummers were put in the 
same wage bracket as corporals. 30 

On the whole, the 1746 Act reflected the trend of the times. Several 
historians of Colonial North Carolina indicate that the Johnston Ad- 
ministration led the Colony out of the doldrums into a period of 
growth and progress. As for the state of the militia, a sincere effort 
was made to fill in some of the open areas of previous laws. Compul- 
sory musters within given periods of time was probably the most 
important of the innovations of the 1746 Act. From the end of the 
Tuscarora War to the beginning of the French and Indian War in 

26 Apparently Gobbel overlooked the 1746 Act, when he notes that "the act of 1760 
made possible the organization of cavalry." Luther Lafayette Gobbel, Militia in North 
Carolina in Colonial and Revolutionary Times (Durham: [Trinity College Historical 
Society; Series XIII of the Historical Papers of the Trinity College Historical Society'], 
1919), 40, hereinafter cited as Gobbel, Militia in North Carolina. 

27 William K. Boyd (ed.), William ByroVs Histories of the Dividing Line Betwixt 
Virginia and North Carolina (Raleigh: The North Carolina Historical Commission 
[State Department of Archives and History], 1929), passim. Marvin L. Skaggs, North 
Carolina Boundary Disputes Involving Her Southern Line (Chapel Hill: The University 
[of North Carolina; Volume 25, Number 1 of The James Sprunt Studies in History and 
Political Science], 1941), 1-250, passim. 

28 Raper evidently ignored the 1746 Act when he observes in his North Carolina: A 
Study in English Colonial Government, 173, that the 1759 Act allowed the militia to 
march out of the Colony for the first time. Likewise, Gobbel, in quoting Raper instead 
of the Act, makes the same mistake. Gobbel, Militia in North Carolina, 40. 

29 As a gesture of appreciation for South Carolina's assistance in the Tuscarora War, 
North Carolina had sent aid to the South Carolinians when the Indians rose against 
them in 1715. However, it was not militia, but hired volunteers that went on this expe- 
dition. Raper, North Carolina: A Study in English Colonial Government, 179. 

30 See Appendix. 

314 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1754, the militia was not used in the field for actual service in the 
Colony's defense; 31 if the rather frequent musters had not been inau- 
gurated by the 1746 Act, it is possible that the militia system would 
have withered and that the Colony would have been unprepared for 
later wars as it had been in 1711 with the Tuscaroras. Other new 
features also pointed in the right direction, even if they did need 
additional specifications to make them function properly. The article 
permitting militiamen to assist invaded neighboring provinces was 
to cause misunderstanding later with Virginia as to which province 
should pay the expenses of the North Carolina forces aiding Vir- 
ginia. 32 Subsequent acts imply that the cavalry provisions were mis- 
used. Either too few or too many desired to enter the cavalry in certain 
counties, while the size and ownership of horses seem to have been 
confusing to some. Nevertheless, the Act of 1746 contributed much 
to the framework of the militia organization that later acts could 
fill out. 

That the militia system as outlined by the 1746 Act was satisfactory 
is evident in the preamble of the 1749 Militia Act. Designed to last 
only three years, the 1746 Act was renewed in 1749 since experience 
proved it "to be a good and necessary law." 33 Only two amendments 
were added. Because of no immediate danger of war in 1749, cap- 
tains were now instructed to muster their companies only twice a 
year. The other change was the prohibition of the death penalty for 
court-martial cases. 

War was not as distant as was suspected. At the outbreak of the 
French and Indian War in 1754, the frontier of the Colony lay open 
to Indian raids. Arms and ammunition were sent to the frontiersmen 
to subdue the savages. 34 When it became apparent that the War would 
last several years, measures were taken to strengthen the militia 
throughout the province. The new Militia Act of 1756 raised the 
number of company musters per year to five. 35 Penalties were placed 
on militia officers who neglected their duties and fines for missing 
musters were to be strictly enforced upon the rank and file. Seeking 
ways to insure collection of such fines, the 1756 Act allowed sheriffs 
to deduct 5 per cent of all they collected. Clerks who failed to give 

31 Raper, North Carolina: A Study in English Colonial Government, 177. 

88 About 450 militiamen were sent into Virginia in February, 1754, to aid that State 
against the French and Indians. Under the impression that Virginia would furnish 
food for the combined forces, the North Carolinians were shocked to learn that there 
were hardly enough provisions for Virginia's own troops.^ As a result, they disbanded 
and returned home without seeing action. Saunders, Colonial Records, V, xi, xv, xvi. 

33 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 330. 

^Raper, North Carolina: A Study in English Colonial Government, 177. 

85 Clark, State Records, XXV, 334-337. 

North Carolina Militia 315 

the sheriffs copies of the fines due were themselves fined £50. The 
auxiliary cavalry units were forbidden to use horses that were not at 
least "fourteen hands high," yet specific details on cavalry organiza- 
tion were still lacking. Two more groups were extended exemption 
privileges— justices of the supreme court and overseers of taxable 
slaves. Overseers who held military commissions, however, were not 
permitted to claim exemption. Ironically, now that the militia were 
being called into active service, the provisions for compensation for 
wounded or killed militiamen were dropped. 

The French and Indian War focused attention on weaknesses of 
the militia system not so easily discernible in peacetime. For example, 
it was discovered that the Assembly wielded considerable power in 
the organization of the militia. Since the Assembly controlled the 
purse, the governor was forced to request of the Assembly the neces- 
sary funds for men, arms, and supplies. Even though it was the gov- 
ernor's prerogative to appoint and remove officers, the Assembly was 
able to play a significant role by withholding appropriations until its 
wishes were satisfied, and sometimes unwittingly interfered with the 
discipline of the troops by using such tactics. 36 The war crisis also 
brought the question of whether the militia could be sent out of the 
province into consideration again. Although a 1746 provision allowed 
the militia to aid Virginia and South Carolina, many North Carolin- 
ians still felt that their militia was only for home defense. 37 As a 
result, when some militia companies received orders to march against 
the Cherokees in 1759, they refused to move as it would mean leaving 
the province. 38 Governor Arthur Dobbs informed William Pitt that 
of the 500 militiamen sent against the Cherokees, all but 80 deserted. 39 
He blamed "the dastardliness of our militia" on "their want of educa- 
tion and instruction" and urged the Assembly to "pass a short bill to 
explain & enforce the militia law." 40 Consequently, the Militia Act of 
1759 permitted the governor— with the consent of the Council— to 

36 Charles S. Cooke, The Governor, Council, and Assembly in Royal North Carolina 
(Chapel Hill: The University [of North Carolina; Volume 12, Number 1 of The James 
Sprunt Historical Publications'}, 1912), 28, 33. 

37 And not without some reason, too. In the same 1746 Act, which allowed the troops 
to go to Virginia or South Carolina, fines were charged against those who refused 
"to march against the enemy where commanded within this Province." This implies 
that even though the militia were permitted to aid other provinces, it could not be 
compelled to do so. Clark, State Records, XXIII, 245. Moreover, the preamble of the 
1759 Act explicitly stated that the militia was "limited to the opposing invasions and 
supporting expeditions within this Province only." Clark, State Records, XXV, 393. 
Nevertheless, the fact remains that the militia could be sent out of North Carolina by 
the Act of 1746. 

38 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 119. 

89 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 220, 221. 
40 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 119. 

316 The North Carolina Historical Review 

send the militia into South Carolina and Virginia to assist those prov- 
inces against a "common enemy." 41 Thus, all doubts on the legality 
of sending the militia outside the province should have been erased, 
but the issue was to be debated even to the end of the American 

In an effort to correct deficiencies that had appeared during the 
French and Indian War, another Militia Act was promulgated in 
1760. 42 Under this law no militiaman could be arrested in any civil 
action on muster days or while he was going to or coming from mus- 
ters, that is, within "any reasonable time" of the musters. Likewise, 
militiamen could use bridges and ferries free of charge while going 
to or from musters. With a treaty signed with the Cherokees and the 
War turning in favor of the English, the number of company musters 
was reduced from five a year to four and then to three in an amend- 
ment to the act. This same amendment also changed general musters 
from one every five months to one annually. The cavalry enlistments 
were clarified. Those who wished to form a cavalry company were 
required to submit their names to the colonel of their regiment. If 
he approved the new unit, he would recommend it to the governor. 
The governor would appoint and commission a captain, lieutenant, 
and cornet for the group. A maximum of 60 men and a minimum of 
30 was required for each "troop of horse." The only other group put 
on the exemption list by the 1760 Act was Presbyterian ministers, 
probably offered as a token of good will to the influx of Scottish High- 
landers and Scotch-Irish. Finally, the 1760 Act won a place in the 
hearts of proponents of localism when it required that officers be 
residents of the county for which they were appointed. 

From 1760 to the eve of the American Revolution there was little 
change in the basic structure of the militia. The only new unit added 
during this period was a reconnoitering auxiliary known as "rangers." 
This group was provided for in 1764 with their duties delineated as 
"to range and reconnoiter the frontiers of this Province as volunteers 
at . . . their own expense." 43 Since it was difficult to enlist frontiers- 
men in regular militia, this served to lure them into this loosely disci- 
plined organization. 44 Ranger units needed the approval of the colonel 
of their regiment, who appointed the officers for such groups. Although 
there were no daily wages for Rangers, their work could become quite 
profitable. During Indian wars they were authorized "to kill or take 

41 Clark, State Records, XXV, 393. ,, / r~r^ „ cng^cy^. f/ff>t /d/ £ lit 

-Clark, State Records, XIII, 518-522. 4kuM U .££&r?P S'*' S2Z W 9 ' M J 
** Clark, State Records, XXIII, 601. 
** Saunders, Colonial Records, V, xli. 

North Carolina Militia 317 

prisoner any enemy Indian of what nation soever." When they pro- 
duced the Indian or his scalp to any two justices of the peace in the 
province, they would receive a certificate that could be cashed by 
the Assembly for £30 proclamation money for each captive or scalp 
they had. 

Other developments of the militia system during the last 15 years 
of the Colonial Period only modified the established organization. 
The elastic exemption list continued to grow. Coroners received the 
privilege in 1762, followed in 1764 by overseers of public roads, 
"branch pilots," and schoolmasters who had at least ten students. 45 
In fact, schoolmasters and overseers of slaves were to be fined 40 
shillings if they were seen at musters! Quakers were excused from 
musters in 1770, as were those who had not lived in North Carolina 
more than six months. 46 In 1774 exemption- was available for all 
Protestant ministers who had churches in North Carolina, commis- 
sioners of public roads, "searchers," and those who had acted under 
a commission of the peace. 47 With the exemption list expanding nearly 
every alternate year, it is not surprising that only about one-half the 
number of able-bodied white men in a typical North Carolina county 
attended muster drills in 1772. 48 

For Quakers a special method of exemption was established. Al- 
though relieved of muster duty, they were required to enlist in the 
militia. Their men were placed under the command of separate 
captains appointed by the governor. Should war break out, a number 
proportionate to the number of Quakers listed on the muster rolls 
could be called into service. Those whose religious principles pre- 
vented them from bearing arms, even in emergencies, could hire a 
substitute or pay a £10 fine. This recognition of Quaker religious 
principles became a precedent for offering exemption to other sects. 
Such liberal acts were maintained throughout the Revolution and 
served to bind the Quakers and others to the American cause. 

Another liberal measure that appeared at the end of the Colonial 
regime involved the problem of arms to the poor. 49 Formerly a fine 
had been charged to everyone who did not come to musters properly 
equipped. Since this only placed another burden on those who could 
not afford guns, it was provided that when any two of a company's 
captains, lieutenants, or ensigns should decide a person was incapable 

45 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 585. Constables regained the exemption. They had 
been left off the list between 1746 and 1762. Clark, State Records, XXIII, 597. 

46 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 787, 788. 

47 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 941. 

48 Benjamin B. Winborne, The Colonial and State Political History of Hertford 
County, N. C. ( [Murf reesboro] : Privately printed, 1906), 36, 37. 

49 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 597. 

318 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of furnishing himself with arms, that person could receive arms which 
had been bought from the fines of the company's courts-martial. 
These indigent militiamen were to return the arms after the muster. 

The Colonial development of the North Carolina militia had run a 
course guided primarily by a policy of trial and error. There was 
little long-range planning for militia organization, and the develop- 
ments that did take place were the by-products of preceding acts that 
had either been impractical or incomplete. Nevertheless, on the eve 
of the American Revolution, North Carolina could boast of a militia 
organization that was at least comparable to that of most of the other 
Colonies. Her eastern militiamen had recently experienced the taste 
of battle in putting down the Regulators at the Battle of Alamance 
on May 16, 1771, which some writers have called the first battle of 
the Revolution. 50 When the Colony broke her ties with Great Britain, 
the new State of North Carolina fell heir to a militia system that could 
serve as an emergency means of defense until the State and national 
war machines were developed. Because experience had proved them 
sound, many features of the Colonial militia persisted throughout the 
Revolution and afterwards, some of them with hardly any changes. 

Naturally there were many readjustments to be made in the tran- 
sition from Colony to State. The patriots were rebelling from the 
world's greatest power; a half-hearted attempt could mean execution 
or ruin to many. Consequently, although the basic Colonial militia 
system was retained, more efficient co-ordination was needed if the 
State was forced to undergo a sustained period of war. To achieve 
this, the legislature divided the State into six militia districts, corre- 
sponding with the old judicial districts: Edenton, New Bern, Wil- 
mington, Halifax, Salisbury, and Hillsboro. 51 There was to be one 
brigade in each district under the command of a brigadier general. 
Brigades were divided into regiments, which in turn were composed 
of companies. Each company was to consist of not less than 50 men 
and was to be divided into five divisions. A unique feature of this 
organization was that one of these five divisions was reserved for 
"the more aged and infirm men." The other four divisions of the com- 
pany were to draw lots to determine the rotation they would follow 
in entering their tour of service, which usually lasted for three 
months. 52 Since militiamen had the habit of "turning out . . . with 

60 William Edward Fitch, Some Neglected History of North Carolina (New York and 
Washington, D. C. : Neale Publishing Company, 1905), passim. William Henry Foote, 
Sketches of North Carolina (New York: Robert Carter, 1846), 46-67. 

61 Peter Force, American Archives, Fourth Series (Washington, D. C: M. St. Clair 
Clarke and Peter Force, 6 volumes, 1837-1846), V, 1,350, hereinafter cited as Force, 
American Archives, Fourth Series. 

62 Clark, State Records, XIV, 286, 138, 472. 

North Carolina Militia 319 

greater Alacrity" when a bounty was paid, the offering of monetary 
inducements to volunteers was common during the Revolution. 53 

In the early days of the Revolution there were two other military 
organizations in North Carolina in addition to the militia— the regu- 
lars of the Continental line and the minutemen. Both carried more 
prestige and rank than the militia and appealed more to the fighting 
man. A colonel in the minutemen was ranked with a lieutenant colonel 
of the Continentals, while a colonel of the militia bore the same rank 
as a lieutenant colonel in the minutemen. 54 The State minutemen, 
organized as "shock troops" to meet sudden emergencies, folded in 
1776. Actually there was no longer a need for such troops, since by 
that time their duties were overlapping those of the militia and the 
Continentals. Distinctions between the militia and Continentals were 
sharp. No militia unit was to be under the command of any but 
militia officers, unless the civil power ordered them to join the Con- 
tinental troops. 55 When the militia and Continental forces were com- 
bined, the command went to the Continental officer unless there was 
a militia officer who held a superior rank to the leading Continental 

As the Revolution wore on, the various parts of the militia system 
were remolded to meet the exigencies of the times. The first of the 
recent innovations to be cast aside was the fifth division composed of 
"the more aged and infirm men." Accompanying this change was the 
lowering of the maximum age limit from sixty to fifty. Exemption 
lists were revised to draw the maximum service from the State's man 
power. Exemption from musters no longer meant that a person could 
not be drafted into the militia service. By 1778 exemptions were 
extended to only the governor, the speakers of both houses of the 
Assembly, justices of the superior court of law, the attorney general, 
Continental delegates, public secretaries, and members of the 
Quaker, Mennonite, Dunkard, and Moravian sects. 56 Other groups 
exempt from musters but subject to draft call included: justices of 
the peace, members of the Council of State, ministers of North Caro- 
lina churches, treasurers of town offices, physicians, Continental post- 
masters and post riders. That there were men excused from musters 
and the draft who were not in the above categories is indicated by 
the numerous special exemptions that were granted by the Assembly. 
For example, an entire company of Ocracoke militia was exempted 
if it promised to prevent privateers from "cutting out vessels and 

53 Clark, State Records, XIV, 860. 

54 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 199. 
66 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 2. 

66 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 193. 

320 The North Carolina Historical Review 

committing other depredations" on Pamlico Sound. 57 To foster the 
State's infant iron industry, men working at the David Allen Iron 
Works in Surry County or the England and Wilcox Iron Works in 
Chatham County for a given period of time were relieved of military 
duty. 58 Similar concessions were allowed to workers at the shoe fac- 
tory in Guilford. 59 Millers, overseers of slaves, ferrymen, and others, 
were likewise often granted individual exemptions by the Assembly. 

For those who wished to escape the militia draft, there were 
methods other than an application to the General Assembly. One of 
the characteristics of the Revolutionary militia was the hiring of 
substitutes. The 1776 Act offered two alternatives to the draft— finding 
an "able-bodied" substitute or paying a £10 fine. 60 This principle 
remained throughout the Revolution, although it was occasionally 
modified to control the type of substitutes hired. By 1780 Frenchmen, 
Spaniards, British deserters, Hessian deserters, Indians, and slaves 
were not acceptable as substitutes in the militia. 61 

Just as the Revolution necessitated readjustments in some parts of 
the Colonial militia, it also demanded the development of officers 
that had not been necessary under the old militia system. Supplying 
the troops posed one of the most difficult problems of the War. To 
supervise these matters, quartermaster and commissary departments 
were established. It was the quartermasters' duty to provide quarters, 
clothing, transportation, forage, and other necessities for the militia. 
The chief supply officer of the State organization was the quarter- 
master general who expedited the supplies to the six militia districts. 
Every brigade had its own quartermaster who appointed a deputy 
for each regiment in his brigade. 62 During the invasion of the State 
the quartermasters had slightly less than dictatorial powers. Never- 
theless, militia laws were designed to maintain good public relations 
in the problem of supplies. The quartermaster, or no other militiaman, 
could impress any article or property without first receiving warrants 
from two justices of the peace in the County in which he made the 
press. 63 Before he could take the article from the owner, two "indiffer- 
ent" people had to make an appraisal of the article's value. A certifi- 
cate was given to the owner that could be cashed in 12 months for 
the value of the article plus 6 per cent interest. 64 If the owner refused 

57 Clark, State Records, XIV, 334. 

58 'Clark, State Records, XVII, 852, 917, 971, 972. 

69 Clark, State Records, XIV, 428. 

60 Force, American Archives, Fourth Series, V, 1,351. 

61 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 336. 

62 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 192. 

63 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 3, 4. 

64 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 383. 

North Carolina Militia 321 

to accept North Carolina currency or certificates, the quartermaster 
still could impress the article after he gave the owner a State cer- 

The same pattern was outlined for the commissary department, 
which was responsible for supplying the militia with food. The com- 
missary general, elected by the General Assembly, directed the 
brigade commissaries whom the brigadier general appointed. 65 The 
commissaries also were required to follow procedures like the quar- 
termasters when they sought to impress supplies. 

The most conspicuous of the new offices was that of brigadier 
general. When the State was divided into six militia districts, each 
containing one brigade, six brigadier generals were created. Inferior 
only to the commander-in-chief of the militia, the brigadier com- 
manded all the forces in his district and submitted regular rolls of 
the units in his brigade to the governor and the commander-in-chief. 66 

Since the captain and clerks were loaded with many other respon- 
sibilities during the War, they were relieved of paying their companies 
after 1776. The legislature assigned this duty to the paymaster de- 
partment. They appointed one paymaster to each brigade and allowed 
him 2/2 per cent commission on all the salaries he paid. 67 

In an effort to strengthen the militia's morale, chaplains were em- 
ployed in 1778 for the first time. 68 Receiving colonel's wages, they 
were appointed by the brigadier general with the approval of the 
field officers. 

While the Revolution demanded the creation of new offices in the 
militia organization, it likewise underscored the need for a different 
type of civil supervision. As a reaction to the almost unlimited author- 
ity of the Colonial governors, the civil power over the militia was at 
first invested in the Revolutionary legislature and council. Until the 
adoption of the State Constitution, the Provincial Council and the 
subordinate committees of safety directed all military establishments 
in the State. 69 It was the Provincial Council's privilege to call out the 
militia, to approve or reject officers chosen by the people, to suspend 
officers when necessary, and to fill vacancies in the system. In a like 
manner, the State Constitution of 1776 denied the governor his old 
Colonial prerogatives and gave the State Senate and House of Com- 
mons the power to appoint the generals and field officers of the 

85 Clark, State Records, XII, 688. 

66 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 1, 2. 

67 Force, American Archives, Fourth Series, V, 1,362, 1,363. 

68 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 192. Governor Dobbs had intimated in 1759 that the 
militia might not be as prone to desert if they had "a pious Clergy to inspire them." 
Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 220, 221. 

60 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 209. 

322 The North Carolina Historical Review 

militia. 70 The selection of company officers was left to the militiamen. 

Supervision by legislative committees usually proved unsatisfactory, 
especially if the committeemen were not acquainted with the arts of 
war. Hoping to correct the mismanagement of the first years of the 
War, the legislature established in 1780 a Board of War to master- 
mind the State's military strategy. 71 Composed of five commissioners 
elected by the legislature, the Board of War was given extensive 
emergency powers. It was to devise with the commander-in-chief 
"a general plan of operations ... as nearly consistent with those 
formed by the Continental commander, as circumstances will admit." 
Because it met more frequently and was usually nearer the scene of 
action than the legislative committees, the Board was expected to 
solve the defects of the militia. 

Even with the authority it wielded the Board failed to provide a 
panacea to the system's ills. Consequently, civil supervision over the 
militia passed into the hands of the "Council Extraordinary" in 1781. 
The "Council Extraordinary," also elected by the legislature, absorbed 
the powers of the defunct Board of War. 72 Its three members advised 
with the governor in appointing and suspending officers, in drawing 
revenues for supplies and wages, in impressing war materials, and 
in executing any act necessary for the defense of North Carolina. 
Should a member die or move out of the State, the governor could 
appoint someone to fill his vacancy. This last provision reflects a 
mild re-evaluation of the role of the governor in the new State. If 
the Revolution had lasted a few more years, it is likely that North 
Carolinians would have restored to the governor the civil supervision 
of the militia that his Colonial predecessors had enjoyed. 

Like its Colonial counterpart, the militia organization in the Revo- 
lution was fashioned by the exigencies of the period. New offices 
were added, some were dropped, and others revised in an effort to 
establish a desirable system. Complicated procedures were adopted 
to harness the State's products and resources so that the militia might 
be properly fed and equipped. Various methods of civil supervision 
were tested, none of which was entirely successful. Indeed, experi- 
mentation was the order of the day. North Carolina was not clamped 
with an inflexible militia system, but enjoyed one that could be 
amended whenever necessary. As an adjustable tool of defense, the 
militia would succeed or fail depending upon the abilities of its 
officers and men. Whatever blame or praise that the militia's per- 

70 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 981. 

71 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 355-357. 

72 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 378, 379. 

North Carolina Militia 323 

formance in the Revolution deserves must be heaped upon those 
individuals who led and served it, not upon the organization. 










Brigadier General 




5 pounds 

100 pounds** 



12s 6d 

12s 6d 




Lieutenant Colonel 

















7s 6d 




Adjutant * 



7s 6d 





3s 6d 
















4s 6d 


























Is 6d 






* "Aid major" in 1715. 

** North Carolina currency. 


Clark, State Records, XXIII, 31, 245, 246, 943; XXIV, 192, 359. 


By Durward T. Stokes* 

Thomas Hart came to North Carolina in 1757 * and settled in 
Orange County. During the next 20 years he was actively engaged in 
the political, business, religious, and military life of the County to an 
extent as great as any one man of his day. In addition to the activities 
of Hart, his children, most of whom were born in North Carolina, 
made prominent names for themselves in their own careers. Several 
of his daughters married men of national prominence and proved 
equal to both the demands of the State Capital, the national capital, 
or a European court, as well as plantation homes. 

The grandfather of Thomas Hart, also named Thomas, was the 
founder of the American branch of this family. He emigrated from 
London in 1690, bringing his eleven-year-old son, Thomas, with him 
and eventually settled in Hanover County, Virginia. Here he lived 
as a respectable planter until the end of his days, and here also his 
son, Thomas Hart II, married Susannah Rice, the aunt of the Rev- 
erend Daniel Rice, a respected Presbyterian clergyman. To this union 
were born six children, Thomas, John, Benjamin, David, Nathaniel, 
and Ann. After Thomas Hart II died in 1755, the brothers moved to 
Orange County, North Carolina. Their reasons for moving from Vir- 
ginia are not known, and there may have been no more particular 
ones than the desire to relocate in a new place. The attraction may 
have been solely a desire to try their fortunes in a new setting, as the 
son of Nathaniel later expressed it, ". . . they removed to North Caro- 
lina ( then a new country ) ." 2 

As soon as Thomas Hart was located in Hillsboro, the county seat 
of Orange, he followed the custom of the day and applied to the 
State for a land grant. In due time, he received a grant, and later 
more grants were made to him. He was granted 273 acres in 1757, 
1,058 in 1759, and 951 in 1779. These grants were located on the Eno 

*Mr. Stokes is a graduate student in the Department of History at the University 
of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. 

1 Nathaniel Hart to Lyman Copeland Draper, August 2, 1842, Draper Letters, Ken- 
tucky Historical Society, Frankfort, hereinafter cited as Draper Letters. 

2 Nathaniel Hart to Lyman Copeland Draper, August 7, 1853, Draper Letters. The 
Nathaniel Hart who wrote the letter to Draper in 1842 was a son of Nathaniel Hart, 
the brother of Thomas Hart. The Nathaniel Hart who wrote to Draper in 1853 was the 
son of this Nathaniel Hart and a grandnephew of Thomas Hart. 

Thomas Hart in North Carolina 325 

River, Seven Mile Creek, Horseley Creek, and Country Line Creek. 3 
Hart built his home, which he named "Hartford," 4 on his land on 
Seven Mile Creek and the Eno River. The dwelling was located about 
two miles northwest of Hillsboro; its site can be determined today by 
marking a spot on a map of Orange County between the juncture of 
the Eno River and the tracks of the Southern Railway system, on the 
west bank of the river. 5 The railroad bridge over the river is not two 
miles from Hillsboro today, but it would have been two miles from 
the town limits in 1779. Up the Eno River to the north, Hart built a 
grist mill, and above that was the ford where the road leading from 
Hillsboro to the west crossed the river. There were a number of other 
buildings close by in which Hart conducted various businesses, and 
the community was known as Hart's Mill. 6 

Thomas Hart had a pronounced liking and talent for the operation 
of any kind of business, and he was very successful in the management 
of those in which he engaged. In addition to having the ability to 
operate a plantation profitably, trade land skillfully, build up a thriv- 
ing business with a flour mill, and engage in the mercantile field with 
success, he also had a knowledge of nail and rope manufacturing far 
above the average man of his time. He owned a large acreage which 
he farmed, raising hemp for ropemaking, among other things. He 
became a partner with the enterprising merchant, Nathaniel Roches- 
ter, and young Virginia-born James Brown, in a store in Hillsboro. 
He was getting his rope and nail factory started well when the course 
of the Revolution changed his plans. 7 

Hart was a man of ordinary means when he came to Orange Coun- 
ty. Because of the destruction of the records of Hanover County, 
Virginia, since 1800, it is impossible to determine exactly what he 
inherited from his father, but there are no indications that he was a 

3 Land Grant Records of North Carolina, Office of the Secretary of State, Raleigh, 
Land Grant Book 14, 417, 418, 419, and Book 40, 295, 374. 

* Walter Clark (ed.), The State Records of North Carolina (Winston, Goldsboro, 
and Raleigh: State of North Carolina, 16 volumes and 4-volume index [compiled by- 
Stephen B. Weeks for both Colonial Records and State Records], 1895-1914), XI, 369, 
hereinafter cited as Clark, State Records. 

6 Map of Orange County (made and published by George W. Tate, 1891), a copy of 
which hangs in the Office of the Register of Deeds for Orange County, Hillsboro, 
shows Jesse Benton's grave in the angle formed by the Eno River and the railroad 
tracks. Benton owned "Hartford" when he died in 1790 and was buried there. Duke 
University owns this land at the present time, and the Duke School of Forestry has 
located gravestones at this particular spot. There are, however, no inscriptions readable 
on them, which is to be expected as Jesse Benton died in 1790, when few markers had 

6 Clark, State Records, XIX, 840-842; XXII, 461-462. 

'Nathaniel Rochester, A Brief Sketch of the Life of Nathaniel Rochester, Written 
by Himself for the Information of His Children (Rochester, New York: The Rochester 
Historical Society, Volume III of the Publication Fund Series, reprinted from the orig- 
inal private printing, 1924), 309, hereinafter cited as Rochester, Sketch. 


326 The North Carolina Historical Review 

man of more than average means. Shortly after settling in Orange 
County, however, Hart married Susannah Gray, 8 the daughter of 
Colonel John Gray, and the granddaughter of John Gray, who came 
to the Colonies in the suite of Governor Gabriel Johnston in 1731. 
Colonel Gray died in 1775 and willed his considerable estate, includ- 
ing his large plantation, "Grayfields," to his son-in-law. 9 It was this 
fortune, large for that day, that enabled Thomas Hart to furnish cap- 
ital for so many enterprises in such quick succession, and it was this 
estate, added to his own means, which he constantly increased by 
hard work and keen ability to the point that he was a very rich man 
when he died. Although he made a large part of his fortune after he 
left North Carolina, his estate was valued on the Orange County tax 
books in 1779 as worth £70,431/2. 10 

As soon as Hart came to North Carolina, he became acquainted 
with the English officials and was well received by them. Governor 
William Tryon had correspondence with him and Edmund Fanning 
knew him quite well. 11 He shortly became a vestryman of St. Matthews 
Parish 12 and was an intimate of James Watson, James Thackston, 
Thomas Burke, James Hogg, William Johnston, Richard Henderson, 
Francis Nash, and other very prominent members of the Colony. In 
1763 he was made sheriff of the County and served for two years. He 
was again sheriff in 1768. 13 The fact that his father-in-law had pre- 
viously been sheriff, as well as a member of the Colonial legislature 
for two terms and one of the original vestrymen of St. Matthews Par- 
ish, influenced Governor Dobbs to appoint Hart to this position. The 
years in which he filled this office were perhaps the most trying on 
the patience, strength, courage, and determination of not only the 
sheriff, but also all the other court officials in the entire history of 
Orange County, because it was during this time that the Regulator 
movement began to gain strength. During this period of rebellion 
against all representatives of royal authority, Hart stanchly upheld 
the duties of his office although his task was not made any easier 
when his brother, John, signed the Regulators Petition. 

8 Sarah S. Young, Genealogical Narrative of the Hart Family in the United States 
(Memphis, Tennessee: Privately printed, 1882), 1-5, hereinafter cited as Young, 

9 Orange County Will Books, Office of Clerk of Court, Orange County Courthouse, 
Hillsboro, Will Book A, 182, hereinafter cited as Orange County Will Book A. 

10 Orange County Tax List, 1779, State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh. 
"William L. Saunders (ed.), The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh: The 

State of North Carolina, 10 volumes, 1886-1890), VII, 714, 774; VIII, 659, hereinafter 
cited as Colonial Records. 

12 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 23. 

13 Hugh Lefler and Paul Wager (eds.), Orange County — 1752-1952 (Chapel Hill: 
Orange Print Shop, 1953), 355, hereinafter cited as Lefler and Wager, Orange County. 

Thomas Hart in North Carolina 327 

It was also during this era that there was a great controversy over 
taxes, and, as the sheriff was the collector of the taxes, Hart became 
very unpopular with the Regulators. It was also because of much mis- 
understanding and an irregular system in the tax lists of Orange 
County that the duties of the sheriff were made more difficult. 
Whether it was lack of understanding of the law or lack of sympathy 
with it, Hart did not collect the hated poll tax. On May 10, 1765, the 
Assembly, meeting in Wilmington, found his account short due to 
error, 14 and, on May 15, passed a bill requiring that the omitted poll 
tax be collected. 15 Hart settled his account with the Colony in a satis- 
factory manner and to the satisfaction of many of the citizens. In a 
petition from Orange County inhabitants in 1770 to Martin Howard, 
Chief Justice, in which fee collection and other injustices were pro- 
tested, 174 signers referred to "Thomas Hart being the only sheriff 
that ever settled." 16 

The Assembly, however, passed a bill on November 20, 1764, which 
excused Thomas Hart and others from paying taxes, 17 and the Regu- 
lators neither forgot nor forgave this. Reverend Eli Caruthers, who 
talked with people who were living during the period of the "Hills- 
borough Riots," states that he was told that Fanning owed his own 
election to the Assembly "to the sheriff, Thomas Hart, to whom he 
promised a reward if he would get him elected; and when he took his 
seat he brought in a bill, and had it passed, for giving Hart one thou- 
sand pounds, on account of his losses as sheriff, when in fact he had 
lost nothing: so said the Regulators." 18 There had been so many dis- 
honest sheriffs and so much abuse on the part of officials that the 
people hated the name of the office although there was no particular 
charge against Hart for any special offense against a Regulator in 
the collection of taxes. Therefore, when reporting on the famous 
"Hillsborough Riots" of September 24 and 25, 1770, Judge Henderson 
wrote Governor Tryon on September 29 of that year that "Thomas 
Hart, Michael Holt, John Luttrell (Clerk of the Crown) and many 
others were severely whipped by the Regulators," 19 and on Septem- 
ber 30 James Watson, Robert Lytle, Thomas Hart, Francis Nash, 
William Johnston, James Thackston, and James Monro signed a letter 
to Tryon "deploring the acts of the Regulators/ 


14 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 68. 

15 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 52, 81. 

16 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 233. 

17 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 1,299. 

18 E. W. Caruthers, A Sketch of the Life and Character of the Rev. David Caldivell, 
D.D. (Greensboro: Swaim and Sherwood, 1842), 117. 

16 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 242. 

80 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 246-247. 

328 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In 1768 Hart was appointed a captain in the Orange County 
Militia, 21 and was also made Commissary for the troops of Orange, 
Granville, and Caswell counties. 22 In April of that year, Fanning wrote 
Hart from Halifax where he was attending the Assembly, and ordered 
him to raise 500 troops for the defense of the County. 23 Hart and Fran- 
cis Nash wrote back to Fanning on April 17, that they could not raise 
troops and that resentment was high against him (Fanning). Also 
they told him that "Strudwick's tenants are meeting in revolt at Haw 
Fields." 24 Fanning wrote Tryon on April 23, that he had heard from 
Adjutant Nash and Captain Hart, and this letter was read to the Gov- 
ernor's Council in Wilmington four days later. 25 Hart did, however, 
raise some troops and accumulate supplies for all the soldiers when 
Tryon brought the Militia to Orange County for the September term 
of court. 26 It was in May of that year that Tryon decided to have Her- 
man Husband, a leader of the Regulators, arrested and tried in court. 
Thomas Hart, as sheriff, was sent with a group of deputies to serve 
the warrant, which he did in Husband's home, and brought him back 
to jail in Hillsboro. 27 Later Husband was released. Further trouble 
was averted at this time and nothing serious happened until the 
"Riots" in 1770. In March, 1771, Tryon wrote Hart from New Bern 
asking him if he could again raise provisions for 500 troops "as he did 
in 1768." 28 Evidently he could, for Tryon wrote again in April giving 
him further instructions about the supplies. 29 Then the Battle of Ala- 
mance took place, with which Captain Hart was associated at least 
as officer in charge of provisions for the men under Tryon. In spite of 
his participation in the War of the Regulation on the side of the 
Crown, Hart continued to be elected to public office and positions of 
responsibility. As an officer in the Militia, and always a strong sup- 
porter of law and order, Hart obeyed Tryon's commands, but when 
royal rule ceased to exist in North Carolina, Hart became a patriot of 
outstanding rank. 

After the civil strife caused by the Regulators ceased, Thomas Hart 

21 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 710. 

22 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 659 ; VII, 888. 

23 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 707. 

24 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 710. 
^Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 714. 
28 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 888. 

27 John H. Wheeler, Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 158U to 1851 (New 
York: Frederick H. Hitchcock, Reprint of 1851 edition, 1925), II, 316-317. This volume 
contains a complete account of the narrative published by Herman Husband in 1770, 
An Impartial Relation of the First Rise and Cause of the Present Difficulties in Public 
Affairs in the Province of North Carolina, and the account of the arrest was narrated 
by Husband himself. 

28 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 696, 678. 

29 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 707. 

Thomas Hart in North Carolina 329 

turned with renewed vigor toward business matters. He and his broth- 
er, Nathaniel, joined with John Williams, Lancelot Johnston, R. Harri- 
son, John Bacon, John Luttrell, and William Johnston as partners in 
the Louisa Company, organized by Richard Henderson in 1774. 30 
This partnership, the brain child of Henderson, was formed for the 
purpose of buying and developing western lands in what is now a 
part of the States of Kentucky and Tennessee. Henderson had re- 
ceived a good deal of the information from Daniel Boone, who had 
scouted the territory for him. Henderson had conceived an idea of a 
western empire far exceeding in size and possibilities the grants once 
made to the Lords Proprietors. He took the Harts into his organization 
because he knew them well, having been a judge of the court at the 
time Hart was sheriff, and because they had capital, which he needed. 

After many complicated details were worked out by Boone, a 
meeting was arranged with representatives of the Louisa Company 
and the Cherokee Indian tribes at a place now in Tennessee, known 
as Watauga. Thomas Hart, and his brother, Nathaniel, made the long 
trip with John Williams and Richard Henderson to attend this meet- 
ing. A number of interested persons who were not financially involved 
in the transaction, but who were interested in the future development 
of the section were also present, including John Sevier and Isaac 
Shelby. During the meeting, after much bargaining and discussion, 
the Indians finally agreed to convey their rights in the vast acreage, 
the exact size of which was at that time unknown even to Henderson 
and his partners. The Louisa Company actually made a treaty with 
the Indians in which the Company gave the Cherokees several loads 
of merchandise of the sort which would appeal to Indians, in return 
for the land. 31 

After this event the company was reorganized and named the Tran- 
sylvania Company. The partners in the new organization were Rich- 
ard Henderson, Thomas Hart, Nathaniel Hart, William Johnston, 
James Hogg, John Luttrell, and John Williams, who owned a one- 
eighth share each, and David Hart and Leonard Henly Bullock, who 
owned a one-sixteenth share each. A formal agreement was drawn 
up between them and duly recorded in Orange County, stating they 
"as copartners and Tenants in common by the Laws of England, have 
purchased from the Cherokee Indians a certain tract of land lying on 

30 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 530-531. 

31 William Stewart Lester, The Transylvania Colony (Spencer, Indiana: Samuel R. 
Guard and Company, 1935), 35-38, hereinafter cited as Lester, The Transylvania 

330 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the Ohio river and the tributaries thereof." 32 Plans for immediate 
colonization were begun, and an offer of 640 acres was made to the 
well-known Presbyterian clergyman, Henry Patillo, if he would agree 
to go with the colonists and settle it. Patillo did not accept the gift, 
but prospective colonists at once became interested, nevertheless. 33 

William Johnston, who came to Orange County in 1767, was a 
partner with James Thackston in the mercantile business and a 
wealthy man. He also was a partner with Richard Bennehan in a 
store on Little River, as well as the operator of farms and a mill. 34 His 
estate, of which Thomas Hart was named one of the executors, was 
one of the largest in Orange County at the time of his death in or 
about 1791. 35 James Hogg was a successful businessman in several 
capacities and a foremost citizen, while John Williams and his 
brother-in-law, Leonard Henly Bullock, were men who moved in the 
same circles in the County with Judge Henderson, the Harts, and 
John Luttrell. Luttrell served as Clerk of the Colony and was married 
to Thomas Hart's niece, Susannah. Just why men of this caliber went 
into this venture which required not only a good deal of money but 
physical exertion as well on the part of some of them, when a Royal 
Proclamation had expressly forbidden trading with the Indians for 
western lands, and when neither individuals nor a company had the 
power to make a treaty with the Indians or with anyone else, is not 
entirely clear. 36 It happened at a time when many enterprising men 
were interested in land speculation and in future settlements in the 
west, although this venture was by far the largest project of its kind 
ever attempted in this country, and it is quite possible that these men 
fully believed that American Independence was a certainty in the 
near future and that the Continental Congress, already a reality, 
would sustain their intentions and investment. They were quite right 
in the first surmise but wrong in the second. The United States of 
America had fully established its independence many years before 
the affairs of the Transylvania Company were finally settled. How- 
ever, long before this victory had been won, it was stated by Nash, 
"This was not the only North Carolina scheme that the Continental 

32 Orange County Deed Books, Office of Register of Deeds, Orange County Court- 
house, Hillsboro, Deed Book 6, 124, hereinafter cited as Orange County Deed Book 
with proper data. 

^Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 261. 

34 Lefler and Wager, Orange County, 332. 

85 Orange County Will Book A, 333. 

30 Lester, The Transylvania Colony, 24. 

Thomas Hart in North Carolina 331 

Congress treated with scant courtesy, as being too rasping to British 
nerves to be widely encouraged at the time." 3T 

No matter what the reasoning of the partners, however, in organ- 
izing the company, they early made it quite clear that they were 
willing to back their investment in money with their own efforts. 
Thomas Hart went again to the Watauga with Henderson in 1775, 38 
and John Williams, Nathaniel Hart, and John Luttrell also accom- 
panied them. By the year 1779, Nathaniel Hart had made the trip 14 
times in the interest of the company, 39 and even gave his life for it 
when he was killed by the Indians in 1782. 40 

After many years and much litigation, the affairs of the Transylvania 
Company were finally settled in Williamsburg, Virginia. Three of the 
partners were still living at the time and Thomas Hart was one of 
them, although he was not present when the final decision was made. 
The Virginia Assembly took title to the lands claimed by the Company, 
declaring the original treaty-purchase null and void. Later the inde- 
pendent State of Kentucky was created. 41 Meanwhile, North Carolina 
took a stand on this controversial matter as early as 1782 and, while 
not upholding the claims of the Transylvanians, made a concession 
of a fair tract of land in Tennessee to the partners as a reward for 
their efforts at colonization, and a compensation for their capital 
invested. The Assembly bill stated that "Your Committee are of the 
opinion that the aforesaid purchase was illegal and that all such 
attempts to monopolize lands are dangerous and may prove injurious 
to Society. . . ." but also stated that "It appears that . . . Company 
have thereby incurred a heavy expence and have had great trouble 
and risques; that the purchase which they have made may save the 
State some expence in attaining peaceful possession of the land from 
the Indians/' 42 

The Committee making the report must have felt that the partners 
were honest in their intentions for it proposed to award as compen- 
sation to them a tract of land "lying in Powell's Valley," and the 
Assembly passed their recommendation. Thomas Hart traded some 
of this land for some located in Kentucky and held on to what he had. 
His descendants live on part of it today. 

During a period of several years following the Battle of Alamance, 

87 Frank Nash, Hillsboro, Colonial and Revolutionary (Chapel Hill: The Orange 
Printshop, 1953), 35, hereinafter cited as Nash, Hillsboro. 
38 Lester, The Transylvania Colony, 66. 
89 Nathaniel Hart to Lyman Copeland Draper, August 2, 1842, Draper Letters. 

40 Nathaniel Hart to Lyman Copeland Draper, August 2, 1842, Draper Letters. 

41 Lester, The Transylvania Colony, 121. 

42 Clark, State Records, XVI, 151-152. 

332 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Thomas Hart served as juror, 43 was commissioned to serve with sev- 
eral others to have a gaol built in Hillsboro, 44 was appointed to serve 
on a board to establish an academy near Hillsboro, 45 and was elected 
a member of the colonial legislature for Orange County. 46 He served 
in this capacity both in 1773-1774, and in 1775. During this time a 
petition was sent to him from Orange County citizens requesting his 
efforts on behalf of legislation to regulate taxes, courts, courts gov- 
erned by the Assembly, maintenance of an indemnity law, and the 
proper bonding for sheriffs. 47 A petition of this kind would hardly have 
been directed to Hart if the people of Orange County held the same 
feeling for him as that expressed by the Regulators. 

Hart received this request graciously and worked immediately to 
introduce the legislation, some of which was passed. He also served 
on the Committee on Claims and Grievances and was very active in 
the proceedings of the Assembly. His greatest legislative efforts were 
along the lines of the very reforms sought by the Regulators and show 
that the man was in sympathy with their aims, if not with their 

In 1774 he was elected a member from the County to the first 
Provincial Congress. 48 He was elected in the same capacity with 
Thomas Burke to the Second Congress, and with Burke, John Kinchen, 
John Atkinson, and John Williams to the Third Congress. He made 
an admirable and very active member of all three bodies and became 
an ardent patriot in every sense of the word, as well as a leader in 
court and tax reforms. 

It is difficult to understand why Thomas Hart, who had so actively 
opposed the Regulators, was himself, just a few years later, such a 
vigorous partisan in the American Revolution. Evidently he did not 
respect the leadership or the methods of the Regulators, but realized 
the justice of their claims and, when these causes were espoused by 
leadership which he felt was both responsible and dignified, he joined 
heartily in the movement. In so doing, he incurred the bitter hatred 
of those who remained loyal to the Crown in Orange County, and the 
Tories became quite a menace to his safety before American Inde- 
pendence was won. 

Ever ready to back up his convictions with physical action, regard- 
less of personal comfort or safety, Hart saw active service with the 

^Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 72. 

44 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 869. 

45 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 250. 

46 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 734. 

47 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 699, 706. 

48 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 882. 

Thomas Hart in North Carolina 333 

North Carolina Militia during the Revolutionary War and was ap- 
pointed Commissary for the Sixth North Carolina Regiment, with the 
rank of Colonel. 49 During the lull in North Carolina between the 
Battle of Moores Creek Bridge and 1780, Thomas Hart served as a 
Senator in the Assembly during the session of 1777. 50 He was espe- 
cially active during this session, serving on many committees, and he 
resigned his military commission to Governor Caswell so that he could 
devote his full time to State affairs. 51 

The people of North Carolina were working steadily toward estab- 
lishing a suitable government and changing a Colony into an inde- 
pendent State. In Orange County, trading was prosperous, the 
mercantile business was good, manufacturing was making a start, 
and the war seemed far away. In August of 1780, the Patriots were 
appalled and the Tories delighted by the defeat of General Horatio 
Gates at Camden. The General arrived in Hillsboro shortly after the 
battle, and Lord Cornwallis followed with his forces as quickly as 
possible. As the British came nearer, the Tories became bolder and 
the smoldering resentment that they had felt for years toward those in 
revolt against the Crown burst into an active flame of hatred as they 
began to execute revenge on their patriot neighbors in a cruel and 
violent manner. No one felt secure about his material possessions or 
safe about his life. Colonel Hart was especially disliked by most of 
the Tories. Having considerable family, including a number of young 
daughters, he became apprehensive about their safety. Nathaniel 
Rochester, who was a business partner of the Colonel at the time, 

His [Colonel Hart's] residence was about the line between the Whigs and 
Tory settlements. The latter committed many depredations on his prop- 
erty, he being a very influential and active Whig. There were frequent 
instances of the Whig and Tories, not only committing depredations on 
each other in North and South Carolina, but murdering privately along 
their borders. General Gates, who in 1779 commanded the Southern Army, 
advised Colonel Hart to remove with his family . . . and, as Colonel Hart's 
property and his life were endangered by remaining where he was, he 
took the advice of the General, and in the Fall of 1780 removed ... to 
Hagerstown, in Maryland. . . . 52 

Shortly after the removal of the Hart family from their home at 
"Hartford," British soldiers under Cornwallis occupied the site. They 

49 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 536. 
60 Clark, State Records, XII, 2. 

51 Clark, State Records, XI, 369. 

52 Rochester, Sketch, 309. 

334 The North Carolina Historical Keview 


were surprised by a group of patriots and a lively skirmish ensued, 
which has been known since as the Battle of Hart's Mill. While this 
clash of arms was of little military significance, the occupation and 
the fighting undoubtedly did considerable damage to the property. 53 

Hart sold part of his land before his rather hurried removal. 54 
"Hartford" was bought by Jesse Benton, husband of Hart's niece. He 
made a payment on it and gave a note for the balance. Colonel 
Rochester went with Hart and was of great assistance to him for the 
next few years. There is no record that Hart ever returned to North 
Carolina, but Rochester made two trips for him to help settle his 
business affairs and also made a trip to Kentucky to look after matters 
for him. 55 It was Hart's plan to stay in Maryland a short while, then 
to take his family to Kentucky, where he still owned his land, as well 
as a tract that he had bought from his brother David. As a result of 
the news of the death of his brother, Nathaniel, at the hands of the 
Indians, and the troubled situation in Kentucky at the time because 
the Cherokees had gone on the warpath against the whites, he bought 
a home in Hagerstown and remained there until 1794. 56 

Rochester went to Philadelphia to open a business for the two of 
them, but, because he contracted smallpox and was ill for many 
weeks, the venture never materialized. When Rochester returned to 
Hagerstown, he and the Colonel built a mill, a rope and nail factory, 
and did a thriving business. When Hart did go to Kentucky to settle 
there permanently, Rochester also left Maryland and went to New 
York State. 57 

As a family man, Hart was devoted to his seven children and his 
other kinsmen as well. In a letter from Hagerstown, 58 he wrote James 
Hogg about his wife and children and spoke of them with great affec- 
tion and, after settling in Kentucky, he wrote again to Hogg, 59 
expressing himself as being well satisfied with the careers of his chil- 
dren and their wives and husbands. When Jesse Benton died rather 
suddenly in 1790, leaving a wife with eight young children, and a very 
involved estate, Hart wrote to Hogg from Hagerstown on September 
5, 1791, 60 explaining, ". . . my affairs with Colonel Benton's Executors 


William Henry Foote, Sketches of North Carolina, Historical and Biographical 
(New York: Robert Carter, 1846), 255, hereinafter cited as Foote, Sketches. 

54 Nathaniel Hart to Lyman Copeland Draper, August 2, 1842, Draper Letters. 

55 Rochester, Sketch, 310. 

68 Nathaniel Hart to Lyman Copeland Draper, August 2, 1842, Draper Letters. 

67 Rochester, Sketch, 311. 

68 Thomas Hart to James Hogg, September 5, 1791, Vernon Howell Papers, Southern 
Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, hereinafter cited as 
Howell Papers. 

69 Thomas Hart to James Hogg, February 24, 1795, Howell Papers. 

60 Thomas Hart to James Hogg, September 5, 1791, Howell Papers. 

Thomas Hart in North Carolina 335 

I would wish settled on the most favorable terms for the Widow and 
Orphans but apprehend a great difficulty in doing it, as I am informed 
his Estate will scarcely be sufficient to pay his debts, in which case, 
any sacrifice made by me in relinquishing any part of my claim against 
the Estate would avail nothing in their favor, as other Creditors would 
immediately lay hold of it." Hart solved the problem of providing for 
his niece and her family by suing the estate and, in 1800, received 
from Samuel Turrentine, Sheriff of Orange County, a court judgment 
against Nancy Benton for £3,622, to be discharged by paying 
£,1,831 and interest and costs amounting to ,£6, 6s. 61 Hart was never 
fully paid because Benton's widow could not spare the money. She 
sold the home in a few years and moved to Tennessee with her family. 
She worked heroically to educate her children and was rewarded by 
their progress as good citizens. One son, Thomas Hart Benton, became 
a famous United States Senator from the State of Missouri 62 and was 
mentioned a number of times as a possible candidate for President 
of the United States. 63 When Colonel Hart died, he left Mrs. Benton 
and the children a tract of land which more than compensated for 
the amount she had paid him on his claim. 64 

Hart indulged his children with every possible advantage, especially 
in home training and formal education. He sent his daughter, Eliza, 
from Hillsboro to Philadelphia, where his friend, Robert Morris, 
placed her in the fashionable school maintained by Mrs. Bordeaux. 
In 1780 Cornelius Harnett, writing to Thomas Burke in Philadelphia 
where the doctor was attending Congress, sent his regards and those 
of his wife to Miss Hart. 65 Burke was kind to Eliza who evidently 
missed her home and family for Whitmell Hill, writing to Dr. Burke, 
mentioned that young Miss Hart was depressed since the doctor had 
left Philadelphia and returned to North Carolina. 66 

The Hart children made good use of their training, and each had an 
admirable and interesting career. In Kentucky, Nancy (Ann) mar- 
ried James Brown, who had been a business partner of her father in 
Hillsboro, and who became United States Minister to France. Lucre- 
tia, who was born just after the Harts arrived in Maryland, married 

61 Orange County Deed Book 9, 76. 

62 Lefler and Wager, Orange County, 323. 

63 Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1949 : The Continental Con- 
gress, September 5, 1774, to October 21, 1788, and the Congress of the United States, 
from the First to the Eightieth Congress, March 4, 1789, to January 3, 1949, Inclusive 
(Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, Eighty-First Congress, 
Second Session, House Document No. 607, 1950), 843. 

61 Records of Williamson County, Kentucky, Superior Court Minute Book for Mero 
District, I, 303; III, 428, 433; IV, 203, 399. 

65 Clark, State Records, XV, 341. 

66 Clark, State Records, XV, 56. 

336 The North Carolina Historical Review 


Henry Clay, and was one of the most prominent hostesses of Ken- 
tucky for many years. The prestige of the Hart family was advanced 
even further when the Colonel's niece married Isaac Shelby. 67 

Thomas Hart continued his enterprising business ideas after he 
arrived in Kentucky and built up his rope and hemp business to pro- 
portions of national stature. Among other transactions of importance, 
Hart furnished all the rope used by the United States Navy at this 
time. 68 He traded in huge quantities of merchandise and, writing to 
James Hogg in 1795, the first year he lived in Lexington, he described 
the bountiful contents of his warehouse not only with pride in the 
ownership of such profitable goods, but also with satisfaction of a 
man who liked the luxuries of the day in plentiful supply around him. 
Also, in the same letter, he described himself as weighing 230 pounds, 
sixty years old, and still fond of proper human pleasures and desires. 69 

Ever a man of strong character, Hart had the ability to lead, in- 
spire, and work with his fellow man. His many business enterprises 
would not have been possible without his executive ability and the 
fact that he was able to command the loyal co-operation of other men. 
Nathaniel Rochester, one of his partners, always spoke of Hart with 
great respect and affection. He named one of his sons for the Colonel, 
as well as naming a street for him when he planned a village that is 
today the city of Rochester, New York. 70 As a hard-working man at 
whatever task his duty and office demanded, Hart never shirked or 
avoided a responsibility, but took the lead in the matter, as in his 
arrest of Husband and in his personal trip to the Watauga country. 

As a member of the Church of England, he served on the Vestry of 
St. Matthews Parish in Hillsboro. 71 After moving to Hagerstown, he 
welcomed the change to the Protestant Episcopal Church by becom- 
ing a member of All Saints' Parish (later renamed St. John's), 72 and 
in Kentucky, he was a member of the group which formed the Epis- 
copal Society, which eventually became Christ Church. 73 

67 Rachel iSleasman Schwartz, Lucretia Hart (Hagerstown, Maryland: Privately 
printed, 1937), 11-13, hereinafter cited as Schwartz, Lucretia Hart; Sarah S. Young, 
Genealogical Narrative of the Hart Family in the United States (Memphis, Tennessee: 
Privately printed, 1882), 5; Records of the United States Department of State, Wash- 
ington, D.C.; William Henry Foote, Sketches of Virginia, Historical and Biographical, 
Second Series (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: J. B. Lippincott and Company, 1855), 

68 Schwartz, Lucretia Hart, 18. 

69 Thomas Hart to James Hogg, February 24, 1795, Howell Papers. 

70 Map Collection of the Rochester Historical Society, New York. 

71 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 23. 

72 Vestry Records of the Episcopal Church in Elizabethtown in All Saint's Parish 
(present-day St. John's Parish), Hagerstown, Maryland. 

73 Elizabeth King Smith, Christ Church, 1796-19^6 (Lexington, Kentucky: Privately 
printed, 1946), 2. 

Thomas Hart in North Carolina 337 

Colonel Hart always found time to serve his country whenever 
called on to do so. At the time he was a progressive businessman, and 
both an affectionate and efficient family man. He made a great contri- 
bution to North Carolina when he lived within her borders, and he 
carried the good effects and the beneficial results of his Carolina 
residence with him through two other States to the end of his life. 
In the Hart family, Kentucky received the finished iron that was 
forged in North Carolina. 

Thomas Hart died at his home in Lexington, Kentucky, June 23, 
1808, at the age of seventy-eight, and was buried in the Old Episcopal 
Graveyard in that City. 



By W. Harrison Daniel* 

When the Civil War began all of the major Protestant denomina- 
tions contained slave members. 1 These members constituted a type of 
associate member status since their voice in church affairs was sub- 
ordinate to that of the white members. Some congregations would 
not admit Negroes to membership upon the testimony of their reli- 
gious experience, which was the customary manner of admitting 
whites. They might be required to present a two-part written state- 
ment containing their master's permission to join the church, 
and his recommendation attesting to the good character of the 
applicant. 2 Free Negroes also found it necessary to present a 
recommendation from a white person before they were accepted for 
membership. 3 In some congregations Negro members were received 
in the same manner as white members. They related their religious 
experience to the congregation which approved their admission. 4 If 
the experience was not considered sufficiently valid, acceptance might 
be delayed. 5 

In some localities the colored membership of a congregation might 
be large enough to justify separate organizations and buildings. In 
such cities as Richmond, Norfolk, Petersburg, Lynchburg, Charleston, 
Houston, Mobile, Macon, and Little Rock, Negro churches were 

* Dr. Daniel is an Associate Professor of History, Department of History and Po- 
litical Science, University of Richmond, Virginia. 

1 Slave membership of the major Protestant denominations was: Methodist 215,000; 
Baptist 157,000; Presbyterian 38,000; Protestant Episcopal 7,000; and Christian 
10,000, Christian Observer (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and Richmond, Virginia), 
February 7, 1861, hereinafter cited as Christian Observer. 

2 Minute Book of the Upper King and Queen Baptist Church, April 19, 1860; and 
scattered papers of the Suffolk Baptist Church. These and all other Baptist manuscript 
materials hereinafter cited, unless otherwise noted, are in the Virginia Baptist Histori- 
cal Society, University of Richmond, Richmond, Virginia. Minutes of the Mercy Seat 
Presbyterian Church, November 17, 1861. This and all other Presbyterian manuscript 
materials hereinafter cited, unless otherwise noted, are in the Union Theological Sem- 
inary Library, Richmond, Virginia. 

3 Minute Book of the Mount Holly Baptist Church, Third Sunday in September, 1861. 

* Minute Book of the Upper Essex Baptist Church, June, 1863; Minute Book of the 
Suffolk Baptist Church, July 28, 1861; Minutes of the Session of the Presbyterian 
Church at Liberty, Amite County, Mississippi, May 20, 1862, Presbyterian Historical 
Foundation, Montreat. 

8 Minute Book of the Clover Baptist Church, September 7, 1861. 

Southern Protestantism and the Negro 339 

established. 6 State laws required that these congregations be served 
by white pastors, 7 and individuals seeking membership into these 
churches had to be approved by the white members of the parent 
church. 8 Once membership was granted the individual might be re- 
ferred to by the white members as brother or sister. 9 It appears that 
Negro members who were in good standing generally encountered 
no difficulty in transferring membership from one church to another 
within a denomination. 10 A congregation receiving a request for mem- 
bership by letter might, however, delay such a request until investi- 
gations were made concerning the applicant. 11 

Slave members usually attended services and took communion with 
the whites, 12 but they were segregated within the sanctuary. They 
might occupy seats near the back of the building or in a balcony, or 

6 Richmond Christian Advocate (Virginia), April 4, 1861, hereinafter cited as Rich- 
mond Christian Advocate; William C. Robinson, Columbia Theological Seminary and 
the Southern Presbyterian Church (Decatur, Alabama: Dennis Lindsey Printing Com- 
pany, 1931), 128; Minutes of the Baptist General Association of Virginia for the Ses- 
sions of 1861, 1S62, and 1863 (Richmond, Virginia: Macfarlane and Ferguson, 1863), 
77, hereinafter cited as Minutes of the General Association of Virginia; Garnett Ry- 
land, The Baptists of Virginia 1699-1926 (Richmond: Virginia Baptist Board of 
Missions and Education, 1955), 285, hereinafter cited as Ryland, Baptists of Virginia; 
Christian Observer, March 21, 1861; Inventory of the Church Archives of Alabama, 
Protestant Episcopal Church (Birmingham, Alabama: The Historical Records Survey, 
1939), 44; Minutes of the Synod of Georgia, Held at Macon, November 20-22, 1862 
(cover to this publication is missing), 24. Arkansas Baptist (Little Rock), November 
14, 1860. 

7 Peter Randolph, From Slave Cabin to the Pulpit, The Autobiography of Rev. Peter 
Randolph (Boston, Massachusetts: James H. Earle, 1893), 76, hereinafter cited as 
Randolph, From Slave Cabin to Pulpit; Minute Book of the Leigh Street Baptist 
Church, Richmond, Virginia, February 15, 1861; W. P. Harrison, The Gospel Among 
the Slaves (Nashville, Tennessee: Publishing House of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, South, 1893), 308, hereinafter cited as Harrison, The Gospel Among the 
Slaves; Inventory of the Church Archives of Virginia, Negro Baptist Churches in 
Richmond (Richmond, Virginia: Historical Records Survey, 1940), 14-16. 

8 Minute Book of the Hardware Baptist Church, Third Sunday in March, 1864; Fifth 
Sunday in May, 1864. 

9 Minute Book of the Hardware Baptist Church, Third Sunday in November, 1861 ; 
Minute Book of Winn's Baptist Church, Second Sunday in January, 1861. 

w Minute Book of Bruington Baptist Church, July 21, 1861; Minute Book of Mt. 
Zion Baptist Church, January 8, 1860; Minute Book of the Ephesus Baptist Church, 

11 Minute Book of the Elon Baptist Church, October 7, 1860. 

32 Minutes of the Eighteenth Annual Session of the Rappahannock Baptist Associa- 
tion, Held With Mathews Church, Mathews County, Virginia, the Saturday Before the 
last Lord's Day in July, 1860 (Richmond, Virginia: H. K. Ellyson, 1860), 21; Ben 
Ames Williams (ed.), Diary From Dixie, by Mary Boykin Chesnut, (Boston, Massa- 
chusetts: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1949), 31; B. F. Riley, A History of the Bap- 
tists in the Southern States East of the Mississippi (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 
American Baptist Publication Society, 1898), 320; J. Edward Moseley, Disciples of 
Christ of Georgia (St. Louis, Missouri: The Bethany Press, 1954), 186, hereinafter 
cited as Moseley, Disciples in Georgia; David Sullins, Recollections of an Old Man. 
Seventy Years in Dixie, 1827-1897 (Bristol, Tennessee: King Printing Company, 1910), 
327; F. D. Jones and W. H. Mills (eds.), History of the Presbyterian Church in South 
Carolina Since 1850 (Columbia, South Carolina: R. L. Bryan Company, 1926), 73. 

340 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in a section of the room partitioned off for them. 13 In some congrega- 
tions, where the colored membership was large, separate services, 
conducted by white members, were held for them. These services 
were usually held on Sunday afternoon or at the time of regular 
morning worship in another portion of the building or in an adjoin- 
ing building. 14 Occasionally the Negroes would hear a sermon by a 
preacher of their own race. 15 

Negro members were subject to the same church discipline as the 
whites. Church records indicate that slave members were expelled 
for such indiscretions as leaving a wife, fornication, adultery, for 
running off and going to the enemy, for stealing a cow, for falsehood, 
theft, drunkenness, for threatening the life of another, for gross im- 
moral conduct, and for bigamy. 16 Congregational meetings for dis- 
ciplinary action against Negroes were usually held at the request of 
the colored members. 17 In some instances the Negroes might disci- 
pline their own members, subject to review by the white members. 18 
Members who were dismissed could apply at a later date for re- 
admission. 19 Slave members who were sold to masters in another sec- 
tion of the country had their names removed from the church roll. 20 

Colored members were permitted to attend the monthly business 
meetings of some congregations. 21 In other instances it appears that 
the colored held separate business meetings, which were supervised 

13 Bell I. Wiley, Southern Negroes, 1861-1865 (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale Uni- 
versity Press, 1938), 98, hereinafter cited as Wiley, Southern Negroes; Moseley, Dis- 
ciples in Georgia, 186. Moseley describes a Disciple Church in Washington County, 
Georgia, which had a partition down the middle, one side for white members and the 
other for Negro members. 

14 Minute Book of the Leigh Street Baptist Church, March 25, 1861, July 27, 1863; 
Minute Book of the Pleasant Grove Baptist Church, August 25, 1860; Minute Book of 
the Glebe Landing Baptist Church, February 4, 1862; Minute Book of the Straight- 
stone Baptist Church, November 10, 1860. 

15 Wiley, Southern Negroes, 98; Frederick L. Olmsted, A Journey in the Seaboard 
Slave States (New York: Dix and Edwards, 1856), 449, hereinafter cited as Olmsted, 
Journey in the Seaboard States. 

"Minute Book of St. Stephen's Baptist Church, July 15, 1860, October 21, 1860; 
Minute Book of the Bethesda Baptist Church, Third Sunday in September, 1864; 
Minute Book of the Ephesus Baptist Church, January, 1863, April, 1863; Minute Book 
of the Rappahannock Baptist Church, December, 1860; Minute Book of the Court 
Street Baptist Church, Portsmouth, Virginia, April 12, 1861; Minute Book of Wallers 
Baptist Church, May 3, 1862; Minute Book of Bruington Baptist Church, August 31, 
1861; Minute Book of Upper Zion Baptist Church, Second Lord's Day in March, 1862. 

17 Minute Book of Upper Zion Baptist Church, Fourth Lord's Day in November, 1861. 

18 Minute Book of the Court Street Baptist Church, Portsmouth, Virginia, October 12, 

19 Minute Book of the Court Street Baptist Church, Portsmouth, Virginia, November 
8, 1861; Minute Book of the Ephesus Baptist Church, Third Sunday in November, 1863; 
Minute Book of the Bethesda Baptist Church, Third Sunday in September, 1864. 

20 Minutes of the Session of the United Presbyterian Church, Richmond, Virginia, 
January 18, 1861. 

21 Minute Book of the Four Mile (Creek) Baptist Church, February 25, 1861. This 
was a customary practice at this church. 

Southern Protestantism and the Negro 341 

by white. 22 In a few instances Negroes were permitted official repre- 
sentation at annual denominational meetings. One author states that 
the first time a colored "brother" was recognized as a visiting mes- 
senger to the Florida Baptist Association was in 1864. 23 The Sunbury 
Baptist Association in Georgia listed its colored ministers together 
with its white ministers, there were six of each in I860. 24 The con- 
stitution and bylaws of this Association also gave partial recognition 
to colored messengers. A provision in the bylaws stated: 

Each colored church shall be entitled to two delegates, and one additional 
delegate for every 500 members; but the delegates from the colored 
churches shall not, in any case, exercise the right of suffrage. The dele- 
gates from each of the colored churches shall, however, have the right of 
selecting a white member of the Association to represent them before 
the Association in any matter which concerns them. 25 

Negro members were instructed that it was their duty and privilege 
to contribute of their financial means to the program of the church. 2( 
Usually a positive response was made to teachings of this kind. In 
1860 the Negro members of the Suffolk Baptist Church contributed 
$114.52 toward the pastor's salary. 27 The colored members of the 
Modest Town Baptist Church in Virginia subscribed $11.00 of $200.00 
for the pastor's salary. 28 Negroes also contributed to support army 
colportage and for slave missions. 29 At a congregational meeting of 
the Leigh Street Baptist Church in Richmond on December 23, 1861, 
the colored members were informed "that in the future we will ex- 
pect [you] to bear a portion of the expenses for sexton and fuel." 
Colored church members at Mobile invested $600.00 in Confederate 
bonds, and at Lexington, Virginia, they contributed $100.00 for the 
care of soldier families. 31 

22 Minute Book of the Straightstone Baptist Church, September 11, 1864; Minute 
Book of the Shockoe Baptist Church, March 11, 1865. 

^Doak S. Campbell, The Florida Baptist Association, The First Hundred Years, 
18U2-19U2 (n.p: n.p., 1943), 13. 

^Minutes of the Forty-Second Anniversary of the Sunbury Baptist Association, 
Held at the Baptist Lecture Room in Walthourville, Georgia, November 17-19^ 1860 
(Savannah, Georgia: Purse's Power Presses, 1861), 11, hereinafter cited as Minutes 
of Sunbury Association, 1860. 

26 Minutes of Sunbury Association, 1860, 15. 

26 Central Presbyterian (Richmond, Virginia), May 19, 1860, hereinafter cited as 
Central Presbyterian. 

27 Subscription list of the colored members of the Suffolk Baptist Church for the 
support of the pastor (1859-1860). 

28 Minute Book of the Modest Town Baptist Church, September 31, 1860. 

29 Minutes of the Valley Baptist Association, Held in Botetourt County, > August 
15-18, 1862 (cover to this publication is missing), 9; Minute Book of Upper King and 
Queen Baptist Church, May 16, 1863. 

30 Minute Book of the Leigh Street Baptist Church, December 23, 1861. 
81 Central Presbyterian, May 4, 1861. 

342 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Some congregations trained certain colored members to instruct 
others in the faith. 32 In April, 1861, the Presbytery of Kingston, Ten- 
nessee, appointed Joseph Thompson to labor as a missionary among 
the colored, subject to the approval of his master. 33 In Baptist churches 
Negro deacons were designated by white members to help control 
and supervise the colored members. Duties of these deacons included 
"inquiring into the standing of colored members, and taking the 
proper steps to keep order, love, and fear among them." 34 A colored 
deacon named Jarrett was appointed by the Mt. Gilead Baptist Church 
to inquire into the rumor that a colored member, Edward, had re- 
ceived stolen meat. 35 Colored deacons were also appointed to "settle 
the quarreling and fighting in which colored sisters Lucy and Beatrice 
had been engaged." 36 At one church a slave who had been excluded 
from membership for immoral conduct applied for readmission. The 
congregation, after listening to her testimony and upon the recom- 
mendation of the colored deacons, restored her membership. 37 

The type of gospel preached to the Negroes had a two-fold pur- 
pose—to save their souls, and to make them better and more obedient 
slaves. Sermons were not preached from the text "the truth shall make 
you free," but from "slaves be obedient to your masters." 38 The Rev- 
erend L. Hanner, a Christian preacher, was forced by a mob to leave 
Prince George County in Virginia because he preached from such 
texts as "the spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed 
me to preach deliverance to the captives." 39 The content of sermons 
preached to slaves often emphasized this world as a place of sorrows, 
sickness, and hard work. Slaves were told that it was their duty to 
work, to be humble, prayerful, and patient. The theme of one sermon 
delivered to slaves and entitled "The Hard Way" was, that this world 
is a place of sickness, trouble, sorrow, and death. One should not 
expect happiness until after death, and the only way to be assured of 
this experience was to become a Christian. 40 Other sermons empha- 

^ " Minutes of the Twenty-First Annual Session of the Rappahannock Baptist Asso- 
ciation, held with Upper Essex Baptist Church, Essex County, Virginia, July 28-30, 
1863, 299. 
83 Christian Observer, May 9, 1861. 

34 Minute Book of the Mt. Zion Baptist Church, 1855. No specific date indicated 
other than the year. 

35 Minute Book of the Mt. Gilead Baptist Church, May 5, 1860. 

80 Minute Book of Winn's Baptist Church, Second Sunday in January, 1861. 

87 Minute Book of the Mt. Zion Baptist Church, March, 1861. 

88 William E. Dodd, The Cotton Kingdom (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale Univer- 
sity Press, 1919), 116; Randolph, From Slave Cabin to Pulpit, 196. 

39 Randolph, From Slave Cabin to Pulpit, 201. 

10 A. F. Dickson, Plantation Sermons, or Plain and Familiar Discourses for the Un- 
learned (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: The Presbyterian Board of Publication, 1856), 
13-14, hereinafter cited as Dickson, Plantation Sermons. 

Southern Protestantism and the Negro 343 

sized hard work as a cardinal virtue. Slaves were told that men who 
sought to avoid hard work would be miserable. 41 God, the Negroes 
were taught, expected men to "work hard and wear themselves out" 
here in this life so that they might better appreciate rest in the life 
beyond the grave. 42 Some sermons threatened slaves with the fires of 
hell if they did not stop swearing, drinking, and cheating. 43 The hum- 
ble, prayerful, busy, patient, obedient, and spiritual slave was the 
type of person, according to the white teachers and preachers, who 
would experience the joys of heaven. 44 And heaven was described as 
being "better than a cool breeze, a splendid sunset or sunrise . . . 
where it is never dark or gloomy; ... a place where man is free." 45 
It was a place where all would be happy and pure, where there would 
be no storms or night. 46 One preacher explained to a slave congrega- 
tion that if they ever had desires to be free in this life it was because 
the devil was working in them. 47 Protestant Episcopal Bishop William 
Meade of Virginia told a Negro congregation that they were respon- 
sible for their souls, even though their bodies were not their own. 
He warned them not to lose their souls by leading idle, stubborn, 
and wicked lives. He informed them that their master was God's 
overseer and that they were to obey him as they would God. 48 A 
catechism for the oral instruction of slaves also emphasized the virtue 
of docility. The following questions and answers will serve to illus- 
trate this aspect of slave instruction. 

Q. How are you to show that you love your neighbor as yourself? 
A. I am to show it by always doing my duty. . . . 

Q. Who is your neighbor? 

A. Everybody who lives with me, and around me and has control over me. 

Q. Can you name some persons? 

A. My master and mistress . . . and parents. 

Q. How are you to show love to them? 

A. I am never to lie to them, to steal from them, nor speak bad words 
about them ; but always to do as they bid me. 49 

a Dickson, Plantation Sermons, 30. 
^Dickson, Plantation Sermons, 133-134. 

43 Dickson, Plantation Sermons, 85, 158. 

44 Dickson, Plantation Sermons, 137. 

45 Dickson, Plantation Sermons, 109-110. 

48 Dickson, Plantation Sermons, 170. 

47 Randolph, From Slave Cabin to Pulpit, 200. 

^William Meade, Sermons, Dialogues and Narratives For Servants to be Read to 
Them in Families (Richmond, Virginia: Office of the Southern Churchman, 1836), 4, 
11, 12, 32-34; Olmsted, Journey in the Seaboard States, 118. 

49 A Catechism to be Taught Orally to Those Who Cannot Read; Designed Especially 
for the Instruction of the Slaves In The Protestant Episcopal Church In The Con- 
federate States (Raleigh: Office of The Church Intelligencer, 1862), 29. For a similar 


344 The North Carolina Historical Review 

One Baptist association meeting affirmed that the first and most 
important item the church should teach the slave was "obedience to 
masters in all things, serving them with a ready mind." 50 It seems 
obvious that religion was used by the whites more to create peace 
and preserve order among the Negroes, to make them docile and 
obedient, than it was to train them to be responsible Christians and 
to inculate them with the message of love as found in the New Testa- 

Protestantism defended the institution of slavery and some clergy- 
men preached the inferiority of the Negro race, 51 however, the most 
responsible Christian leaders in the South did not defend slavery as 
an ultimate good. 52 James H. Thornwell, a prominent Presbyterian 
theologian, said that slavery was a part of the curse which the sin of 
Adam introduced into the world and that it stood in the same rela- 
tion to Christianity as sickness, poverty, disease, and death. It exists 
here on earth but will not exist in the world to come. Slavery, he ex- 
plained, was a part of God's design; it was found in the Bible and 
was not sinful. 53 "Our slaves," he said, "are a solemn trust from God 
and while we have a right to use and direct their labor, we are bound 
to feed, clothe, and protect them and to introduce them to the hopes 
of a blessed immortality." 54 The Negro, he affirmed, was not another 
species but "is of one blood with ourselves." 55 His position in the 
world was assigned to him by God, and it is the duty of Christians to 
give him the gospel so that he might be saved. 56 Benjamin Morgan 
Palmer, another Presbyterian leader, emphasized that the Negro was 
the most helpless of races and needed the protection given him by 
the slave system. 57 Palmer believed that slavery as practiced in the 

view from a Baptist catechism for slaves see Robert Ryland, A Scripture Catechism, 
for the Instruction of Children and Servants (Richmond, Virginia: Harrold and Mur- 
ray, 1848), 139-140. 

60 Minutes of the Judson Baptist Association. Held With the Camp Creek Church, 
Pontotoc County, Mississippi, September 1860 (Fulton, Mississippi: Fulton Southern 
Herald, 1860), 7. 

51 W. H. Watkins, The South, Her Position and Her Duty. A Discourse Delivered at 
the Methodist Church, Natchez, Mississippi, January U, 1861 (Natchez, Mississippi: 
Natchez Daily Courier Book and Job Office, 1861), 2; The Church Intelligencer 
(Raleigh), December 6, 1860, April 17, 1863, hereinafter cited as The Church In- 
telligencer; Southern Christian Advocate (Augusta, Georgia), January 31, 1864, 
hereinafter cited as Southern Christian Advocate. 

2 William W. Sweet, The American Churches, an Interpretation (New York: Abing- 
don-Cokesbury, 1948), 85. 

63 John B. Adger and John L. Girardeau (eds.), The Collected Writings of James 
Henley Thornwell (Richmond, Virginia: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 4 
volumes, 1873), IV, 420, hereinafter cited as Adger and Girardeau, Writings of 

54 James H. Thornwell and Others, Fast Day Sermons on the State of the Country 
(New York: Rudd and Carleton, 1861), 51, hereinafter cited as Thornwell and Others, 
Fast Day Sermons. 

55 Adger and Girardeau, Writings of Thornivell, IV, 430. 

56 Adger and Girardeau, Writings of Thornwell, IV, 430, 433. 

B7 Thornwell and Others, Fast Day Sermons, 66. , 

Southern Protestantism and the Negro 345 

South was in keeping with the will of God. 58 These ideas of Thornwell 
and Palmer were representative of other Protestant leaders in the 
South. 59 

Although the institution of slavery was widely supported by 
churchmen as being divinely created there was little, if any, sentiment 
among them for the revival of the African slave trade. The Editor of 
the Georgia Baptist weekly newspaper, the Christian Index, wrote 
"we rejoice that the idea of opening the slave trade has been rebuked 
in the Georgia State Convention . . . while slavery and the purchase 
and sale of slaves is scriptural, slave trade between Africa and Amer- 
ica involves so much that it is murder and is abhorrent to Christian 
minds." 60 The Methodist Episcopal Church, South, was opposed to 
the reopening of the African slave trade, 61 and The Church Intelli- 
gencer, which was the organ of the Protestant Episcopal Church in 
the South, was opposed to any move by the Confederacy to revive 
this trade. 62 There is no evidence that any denominational organiza- 
tion in the South favored the reopening of the African slave trade. 

There were some clergymen in the South who did not approve of 
slavery. 63 Professor William Sparrow of the Episcopal Seminary at 
Alexandria, Virginia, felt that "holding on to slavery was hopelessly 
contending with the spirit of the age." 64 The Reverend J. M. Pendle- 

68 Benjamin M. Palmer, A Discourse Before the General Assembly of South Carolina 
on December 10, 1863, Appointed by the Legislature as a Day of Fasting, Humilia- 
tion, and Prayer (Columbia, South Carolina: Charles P. Pelham, 1864), 15. 

59 See Robert L. Dabney, A Defense of Virginia, and Through Her of the South, 
in Recent and Pending Contests Against the Sectional Party (New York: E. J. Hale 
and Son, 1867), 352; William A. Smith, Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of 
Slavery (Nashville, Tennessee: Stevenson and Evans, 1856), 153, 177, 182, 282; 
George D. Armstrong, The Christian Doctrine of Slavery (New York: Charles Scrib- 
ner, 1857), 131-132; E. N. Elliott (ed.), Cotton is King, and Pro-Slavery Arguments 
(Augusta, Georgia: Pritchard, Abbott, and Loomis, 1860), 463, 503; George G. Smith, 
Jr., The Life and Times of George Foster Pierce, D.D., LL.D., Bishop of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, South (Sparta, Georgia: Hancock Publishing Company, 1888), 469, 
hereinafter cited as Smith, Life of Bishop Pierce; South Western Baptist (Tuskegee, 
Alabama), November 14, 1861; Stephen Elliott, Our Cause in Harmony with the Pur- 
poses of God in Christ Jesus (Savannah, Georgia: John M. Cooper, 1862), 10; The 
Church Intelligencer, December 6, 1860; George H. Clark, The Union. A Sermon De- 
livered in St. John's Church, Savannah, on Fast Day, November 28, 1860 (Savannah. 
Georgia: George N. Nichols, 1860), 4; William A. Hall, The Historic Significance of 
the Southern Revolution (Petersburg, Virginia: A. F. Crutchfield, 1864), 13; Robert 
Ryland, The American Union. An Address Delivered Before the Alumni Association of 
the Columbian College, D.C., June 23, 1857 (Richmond, Virginia: H. K. Ellyson, 
1857), 12-18. 

60 Christian Index (Macon, Georgia), January 30, 1861, hereinafter cited as Chris- 
tian Index. 

61 Christian Advocate (Nashville, Tennessee), January 31, 1861. 

62 The Church Intelligencer, March 21, 1861. 

63 Clement Eaton, Freedom of Thought in the Old South (Durham: Duke University 
Press, 1940), 277, hereinafter cited as Eaton, Freedom of Thought. 

84 Cornelius Walker, The Life and Correspondence of Rev. William Sparrow, D. D. 
(Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: James Hammond, 1876), 257. 

346 The North Carolina Historical Review 


ton, a Baptist minister in Nashville, was a critic of the slave system. 
John B. McFerrin, a prominent Methodist and Tennessean, owned 
several household servants, but said that in his heart he believed 
slavery to be an evil. 66 John McLean, a Methodist minister in Texas, 
believed that the buying and selling of human beings was a sin 
against God and humanity. 67 E. W. Caruthers, a Presbyterian clergy- 
man in Greensboro, felt that his brother ministers were misrepresent- 
ing the Bible in using it to justify slavery. 68 Such criticisms were few 
and meager, and the men who expressed them were departing from 
the accepted value judgments of their society. 

Denominational efforts in the South to Christianize the Negroes 
had been emphasized in the generation preceding 1860 and mission 
work among the slaves was at its peak when the War came. 69 This 
activity, though curtailed, 70 continued during the War. In some in- 
stances the crises of secession and War served to give renewed impetus 
to the Christianization of the Negroes. Members of the Texas Baptist 
Convention believed that the War was a manifestation of God's anger 
toward the South for neglecting to furnish the slaves with the gospel. 71 
Baptists in Alabama and Louisiana felt that God was scourging the 
South with war because the spiritual welfare of the Negroes had 
been "sadly neglected." 72 The Editor of the Confederate Baptist be- 

65 Tennessee Baptist (Nashville), August 11, 1861. 

68 0. P. Fitzgerald, John B. McFerrin (Nashville, Tennessee: Publishing House of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 1888), 269. 

67 John H. McLean, Reminiscences (Nashville, Tennessee: Publishing House of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 1918), 129. 

68 E. W. Caruthers, "American Slavery and the Immediate Duty of Southern Slave 
Holders," 9, 66, 206, 257, unpublished manuscript in the E. W. Caruthers Papers, 
Duke Manuscript Collection, Duke University, Durham. Another North Carolinian, 
Calvin H. Wiley, not a located pastor but an ordained Presbyterian minister, was a 
critic of slavery. 'See Calvin H. Wiley, Scriptural Views of National Trials (Greens- 
boro: Sterling, Campbell and Albright, 1863), 188. 

69 Harrison, The Gospel Among the Slaves, 298, 325; Walter L. Fleming, Civil War 
and Reconstruction in Alabama (New York: Columbia University Press, 1905), 226, 
hereinafter cited as Fleming, Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama; B. F. Riley, 
A Memorial History of the Baptists of Alabama. Being an Account of the Struggles 
and Achievements of the Denomination from 1808 to 1923 (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 
The Judson Press, 1923), 166; William W. Sweet, Methodism in American History 
(New York: The Methodist Book Concern, 1933), 273. 

70 Baptist State Convention of Texas, Sessions of 1861 and 1862 (Houston, Texas: 
E. W. Cave, 1863), 8, hereinafter cited as Baptist State Convention of Texas, 1861 
and 1862; Minutes of the Alabama Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
South, Held in Columbus, Mississippi, November 25-December 2, 1863 (Mobile, Ala- 
bama: John Y. Thompson, 1863), 23, hereinafter cited as Minutes of the Alabama 
Conference, 1863. 

^Baptist State Convention of Texas, 1861 and 1862, 6. 

72 Minutes of the Forty-First Annual Session Alabama Baptist State Convention, 
Held at Marion, November 6-9, 1863 (Selma, Alabama: Daily Dispatch Book and 
Job Printing Office, 1864), 10; C. Penrose St. Amant, A Short History of Louisiana 
Baptists (Nashville: Tennessee: Broadman Press, 1948), 37. 

Southern Protestantism and the Negro 347 

lieved that miscegenation was the sin which prompted God to plunge 
the South into war. He wrote 

the . . . 4,372 mulattos [in our State] presents the darkest phase of our 
history. We must prepare for God's judgement. . . . This class should be 
banished from our public thoroughfares and kept out of sight. Respectable 
merchants should refuse to sell them. . . . Our toleration of this enormity- 
may constitute the principle reason why God is now dealing so terribly 
with Southern people. 73 

It is not entirely clear whether the Editor believed that it was sin or 
the failure to hide the results of it, that caused the Almighty to 
"plunge the South into war." 

The widely held view that the War was partly God's wrath for 
having failed to Christianize the Negroes led churchmen to attempt 
to overcome this neglect. Baptist associations appointed committees 
to study and recommend action to be taken concerning the religious 
instruction of the colored. Some such committees antedate 1860, 
however, numerous others did not have their origin until this time. 74 
One committee recommended that more Sunday schools be estab- 
lished for the colored. 75 A Mississippi Baptist committee suggested 
that the planters in the State contribute $50.00 annually to support 
preaching to the slaves. 76 Masters were urged to make every effort 
to convert their slaves. They were told that it was their duty to in- 
struct their slaves in the faith, to hold daily or at least weekly 
classes for them. 77 It was recommended that the planters of Louisiana 
should "in companies of from two to twenty, raise a salary and employ 
a religious teacher for their slaves." 78 Recommendations of this type 
frequently included a promise. It was pointed out that God would 

^Confederate Baptist (Columbia, South Carolina), January 7, 1863, hereinafter 
cited as Confederate Baptist. 

74 For example, the following* ecclesiastical organizations appointed these commit- 
tees only after 1860; Appomattox Baptist Association, The Presbytery of South 
Carolina, Alabama Baptist State Convention, The Rappahannock Baptist Association, 
and The Synod of Mississippi. 

75 Minutes of the Twenty-Ninth Anniversary of the Welsh Neck Baptist Association, 
Held with the Black Creek Church, Darlington District, November 10-13, 1860 
(Charleston, South Carolina: A. J. Burke, 1860), 6. 

76 Minutes of the Twenty-Fourth Annual Session of the Columbus Baptist Associa- 
tion, Held with the Siloam Church, Oktibbeha County, Mississippi, September 7-9, 
1861 (Jackson: Mississippi Baptist Book and Job Printing Office, 1861), 12. 

77 Minutes of the Appomattox Baptist Association, Held in the Town of Farmville, 
August 6-7, 1861 (Richmond, Virginia: H. K. Ellyson, 1861), 10; Minutes of the 
Lebanon District Baptist Association, Held at Cedar Grove Church, Russell County, 
Virginia, September 13-15 , 1860 (Marion, Virginia: Printed at the Visitor Office, 
1860), 11, hereinafter cited as Minutes of the^ Lebanon District Association, 1860; 
Minutes of the General Association of Virginia, 77; Minute Book of the Roanoke 
Baptist Association, August 27, 1860. 

78 Louisiana Baptist (Mt. Lebanon), January 10, 1861. 

348 The North Carolina Historical Review 

favor such efforts and be pleased; also the slaves would become more 
content with their station in society. 79 

Southern Presbyterians were encouraged to give added attention 
to the religious instruction of their slaves. 80 Charles C. Jones, a Pres- 
byterian minister in Georgia, stated that owners should establish 
chapels and Sunday schools for them. 81 At the meeting of the Presby- 
terian General Assembly in 1861 a committee was appointed to study 
the problem of religious instruction for colored people. 82 The report 
of this committee affirmed that slaves had the same claim upon their 
masters for religious instruction as did the master's children. 83 Mas- 
ters were urged to instruct their slaves in the faith, and were told that 
"the angels would smile" upon their efforts. 84 It was considered the 
master's duty to God to see that his slaves attended religious services. 
If he was a large plantation owner it was his duty to provide a chapel 
for them. He was responsible to the Almighty for the religious care 
of those in his service. 85 

A General Council of the Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church which met in Augusta, Georgia, on November 22, 1862, issued 
a circular letter to the clergy and laity of that denomination concern- 
ing slavery. It stressed that the time had come for the Church to 
press more urgently that slaves were a sacred trust committed to the 
whites by God for the purpose of Chris tianization. Christian slave- 
owners were cautioned to respect family relations of slaves and not 
to separate parents and children or husbands and wives. 86 In 1862 

™ Minutes of the Lebanon District Association, 1860, 11; Minutes of the Twenty- 
First Annual Meeting of the Union Baptist Association, Held with the Bellville Bap- 
tist Church, Austin County, Texas, August 17-21, 1860 (Anderson: Office of the 
Texas Baptist, 1860), 14; Minutes of the Try on Association, Held with Laurel Hill 
Church, Cold Springs, Polk County, Texas, September 3-6, 186 U (cover to this publi- 
cation is missing), 4. 

80 'Central Presbyterian, July 21, 1860; Minutes of the Presbytery of Fayetteville, 
at their Ninety-Fifth Session, Held at Black River Chapel, New Hanover County, 
North Carolina, October 4-6, 1860 (Fayetteville: Printed at the Presbyterian Office, 
1860), 11; Minutes of the Synod of South Carolina, Abbeville, November 6-9, 1861 
(cover to this publication is missing), 36; The Southern Presbyterian (Columbia, 
South Carolina), March 1, 1862, hereinafter cited as The Southern Presbyterian. 

81 Charles C. Jones, Religious Instruction of the Negroes. An Address Delivered 
Before the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, at Augusta, Georgia on 
December 10, 1861 (Richmond, Virginia: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 
n.d.), 15-16. 

82 Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the Confederate 
States of America with an Appendix. Volume I, 1861 (Augusta, Georgia: Steam Power 
Press Chronicle and Sentinel, 1861), 15. This committee was composed of J. A. Lyon, 
C C Jones, and T. Pryor. 

83 J. Leighton Wilson, "Religious Instruction of the Colored People," The Southern 
Presbyterian Review, XVI (October, 1863), 191, hereinafter cited as Wilson, "Re- 
ligious Instruction of the Colored People." 

" Central Presbyterian, February 19, 1863. 

Wilson, "Religious Instruction of the Colored People," 194. 

Stephen Elliott, Sermons (New York: Pott and Amery, 1867), 575-576; Southern 
Churchman (Richmond, Virginia), January 2, 1863, hereinafter cited as Southern 


Southern Protestantism and the Negro 349 

the Editor of The Church Intelligencer prepared a small catechism 
for masters to use in giving religious instruction to their slaves. 87 
Some Episcopal slaveowners were told that next to their children, 
their prime religious duty was to provide for the religious instruction 
of their slaves. 88 There is evidence that while some took the teachings 
of the Church seriously there were others who ignored them. 89 

The Methodist Episcopal Church, South, was the denomination 
most active in slave missions when the War came, 90 and although 
these efforts were lessened during the War, the Methodists continued 
to emphasize the importance of religious care for the slaves. Meth- 
odist conference meetings and denominational newspapers urged 
slaveowners to fulfill their religious duty by providing religious in- 
struction for their slaves and by working for their conversion. 91 T. O. 
Summers informed the Alabama Conference that slaves must not be 
left to die without knowledge of the Redeemer, and it was the mas- 
ter's duty to see that this did not happen. 92 A Methodist planter near 
Columbus, Georgia, was portrayed in the religious press as the ex- 
emplary Christian master. This man built a chapel for his slaves and 
provided teachers for their instruction. He reported that religious 
training improved the manners, habits, and dress of the Negroes; 
and, made them more home-loving, cheerful, and punctilious in their 
duties. 93 

The good conduct of the slaves during the War is attributed by 
some to the religious training given them by the whites; the churches 
realized the value of religious training in making the slaves submis- 
sive and loyal and used it as an effective method of keeping the 
blacks peaceful and quiet. 94 

Occasionally a reference is noted where the injunction to Christian- 
ize the Negro was opposed. In 1861 certain slave missions planned 

87 The Church Intelligencer, September 12, 1863. 

88 Journal of the First Annual Council of the Protestant Episcoj^al Church in the 
Diocese of Texas, Held in Christ Church, Houston, May 7-9, 1863 (Houston, Texas: 
Telegraph Book and Job Establishment, 1863), 14. 

80 Inventory of the Church Archives of Mississippi. Protestant Episcopal Church, 
Diocese of Mississippi (Jackson: The Mississippi Historical Records Survey Project, 
1940), 22-23; Journal of the Proceedings of the Thirty-Second Annual Council of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church in the Diocese of Alabama, Held in St. Paul's Church, 
Greensboro, May 7-9, 1863 (Montgomery, Alabama: Montgomery Advertiser Book 
and Job Office, 1863), 93. 

80 Joseph C. Hartzell, "Methodism and the Negro in the United States," The Journal 
of Negro History, VIII (July, 1923), 301-315; Harrison, The Gospel Among the Slaves, 

91 Richmond Christian Advocate, April 4, 1861; North Carolina Christian Advocate 
(Raleigh), September 9, 1863. 

92 Minutes of the Alabama Conference, 1863, 14. 

93 Southern Christian Advocate, January 14, 1864. 

94 Fleming, Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, 227; Wiley, Southern Negroes, 
98; Harrison, The Gospel Among the Slaves, 299. 

350 The North Carolina Historical Review 

by the Methodists in Mississippi were abandoned because the owners 
were "afraid to have their slaves preached to." 95 Some Virginia 
Baptists, in the summer of 1863, advised "the suspension of all efforts 
for their [slaves] moral and religious culture during the impending 
crisis." 96 Among Texas Baptists one association decided to dispense 
with the committee on the instruction of colored people, 97 another 
recommended that the inquiry into the spiritual welfare of the col- 
ored people be dropped, 98 and a third reported that no mission work 
among the Negroes had been undertaken during the War. 99 The 
Colorado Baptist Association in Texas reported that in some places 
within the bounds of the association "religious instruction of the 
colored was not only objected to, but positively forbidden." 100 

There was also some opposition to separate services and church 
organizations for Negroes as well as the permitting of Negroes to 
preach or instruct other Negroes. One gathering of white churchmen 
"deemed it highly inexpedient for Negroes to preach to their own 
color." 101 The editor of one religious newspaper commented, ". . . it 
is injudicious to teach the Negro that his spiritual interests can be 
best secured by having their own pastor and regulating their own 
discipline." 102 Another editor voiced opposition to the formation of 
separate African churches claiming that in "these organizations the 
Negro takes the place of the master, ruling the church." 103 Some 
congregations debated the advisability of permitting their colored 
members to use the church building for separate services. In at least 
two instances where this privilege had formerly been granted the 

95 J. B. Cain, Methodism in the Mississippi Conference, 1846-1870 (Nashville, Ten- 
nessee: The Parthenon Press, 1939), 296. 

96 Minutes of the Twenty-First Annual Session of the Rappahannock Baptist Asso- 
ciation, 1863, 298. 

*" Minutes of the Mt. Pisgah Baptist Association, Beulah Church, Newton County. 
Mississippi, October IS, 1860 (cover to this publication is missing), 3. 

08 Minutes of the Fourteenth Annual Session of the Trinity River Association of the 
United Baptists, Held with Sterling Church, Robertson County, Texas, September, 
1861 (Anderson, Texas: John H. Wilson, 1861), 10. 

99 Minutes of the Third, Fourth and Fifth Annual Sessions of the Waco Baptist 
Association, Held with the Churches at Bosqueville, Antioch, and Searsville, Respec- 
tively in 1862, 1863, and 1864 (Houston, Texas: Richardson and Owen, 1865), 2, 12, 

100 Minutes of the Colorado Association, Held with the Shiloah Baptist Church, 
Fayette County, Texas, September 14-18, 1860 (San Antonio, Texas: Herald Steam 
Press, 1860), 10. 

101 Minutes of the Third Annual Session, Richland Baptist Association, Held with 
Bold Spring Church, McLennan County, Texas, October, 1860 (Corsicana, Texas: 
Navarro Express, 1860), 4. 

102 Confederate Baptist, October 12, 1863. 

103 The Religious Herald (Richmond, Virginia), June 25, 1863, hereinafter cited as 
The Religious Herald. 

Southern Protestantism and the Negro 351 

Negroes it was withdrawn. 104 These examples were not characteristic 
of the majority of Southern Protestantism during the War; they rep- 
resent a minority but scattered opinion. 

During the War the conscience of Protestantism was stirred to 
action by certain aspects of slavery which it felt should be remedied 
because they were not in keeping with Biblical teachings. 105 Denom- 
inational groups proposed changes in certain slave laws which were 
designed to remove abuses in the institution and make it more 
Christian. 106 One aspect of slavery which did not conform to Biblical 
standards concerned slave family relations and particularly slave 
marriages. Marriage, according to Christian teachings, was an insti- 
tution ordained of God and was a sacred relationship. But slave 
marriages were not recognized by law. Churchmen saw in this situa- 
tion an evil which should be remedied. 107 A committee of the General 
Assembly of the Presbyterian Church reported in 1863 that there 
should be laws to protect the marriage and family life of slaves. "To 
ignore such legislation," it said, "sets at defiance the precepts of the 
Bible, the dictates of nature, and the moral sentiments of human- 
ity." 108 The Christian conscience was troubled by the fact that the 
laws ignored the sacredness of marriage relationship between the 
blacks and gave the master power to separate husband and wife. 
In a fast day sermon before the Georgia legislature, Bishop George 
F. Pierce of the Methodist Church said that one of the moral ends 
of the War was to reform the abuses of slavery. "All laws," he de- 
clared, "which authorize or allow arbitrary interference with the 
connubial relations of slaves ought to be rescinded." 109 In 1863 the 
Associate Reformed Synod of the South suggested that laws be 
enacted to render the marriage relations between slaves more sa- 

104 Minute Book of the Mt. Hermon Baptist Church, Second Saturday in January, 
1865; Minute Book of the Glebe Landing Baptist Church, July 12, 1862; Minutes of 
the Session of the First Presbyterian Church, New Orleans, February 7, 1862, Presby- 
terian Historical Foundation, Montreat. 

105 Joseph B. Cheshire, The Church in the Confederate States. A History of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States (New York: Longmans, 
Green and Company, 1914), 117, hereinafter cited as Cheshire, The Church in the 
Confederate States. 

100 Bell I. Wiley, "The Movement to Humanize the Institution of Slavery During the 
Confederacy," Emory University Quarterly, V (December, 1949), 208, hereinafter 
cited as Wiley, "The Movement to Humanize Slavery." 

107 The Church Intelligencer, August 30, 1861; Cheshire, The Church in the Con- 
federate States, 118. 

108 James A. Lyon, "Slavery and the Duties Growing Out of the Relation," The 
Southern Presbyterian Review, XVI (July, 1863), 25, hereinafter cited as Lyon, 
"Slavery and the Duties Growing Out of the Relation." 

109 George F. Pierce, A Sermon Delivered Before the General Assembly at Milledge- 
ville, Georgia, on Fast Day, March 27, 1863 (Milledgeville, Georgia: Bough ton, Nisbet 
and Barnes, 1863), 14-15, hereinafter cited as Pierce, Sermon Before the Georgia 

352 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cred. 110 The following year Methodist conferences in Alabama and 
Georgia advocated reforms in slave marriages. The Alabama dele- 
gates felt that marriages should be respected and treated as Christ- 
ian, 111 the Georgia Conference approved a resolution urging the State 
legislature to adopt a law protecting slave marriage relationships. 112 
The Georgia Baptist Association resolved in 1864 that "it is the firm 
belief of this body that marriage was ordained by God for the benefit 
of the whole human race without respect to color . . . and the law 
of Georgia in failing to recognize this is defective and ought to be 
amended." 113 The Presbyterians in Georgia took a stand similar to 
that of the Baptists. 114 

Another evil of the slave system which the different denominations 
petitioned the legislatures to remedy concerned the teaching of 
slaves to read. With the exception of Tennessee, the various State's 
laws required that any instruction given slaves be oral. 115 However, 
by the 1860's many considered the law outdated. In the summer of 
1862, the Middle Cherokee Baptist Association in Georgia petitioned 
the legislature to repeal the act which forbade the owner of slaves to 
teach them to read. In taking this stand it was explained that such 
a law was no longer needed. It was pointed out that the vile abolition 
literature no longer came South and that Negroes, if taught to read, 
would discover slavery in the Bible and they would become more 
obedient, docile, and religious. 116 The Georgia Presbytery also advo- 
cated the repeal of this law. It was argued that the teaching of slaves 
to read the Bible would glorify God and make the slaves more faithful 


Abstract of Minutes of the Associate Reformed Synod of the South, for the 
Years 1863, 186J+, 1865, 1866 (cover to this publication is missing), 8, hereinafter 
cited as Abstract of Minutes of the Reformed Synod of the South. 

U1 Journal of the Montgomery Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 
December 12, 1864, Alabama Department of Archives and History, Montgomery, Ala- 
bama; Southern Christian Advocate, January 31, 1864. 

112 Southern Christian Advocate, January 19, 1864. 

113 Christian Index, October 21, 1864. 

Ui The Southern Presbyterian, December 1, 1864. 

^ North Carolina Presbyterian (Fayetteville), April 7, 1860; Christian Index, Sep- 
tember 2, 1862; Richmond Christian Advocate, April 4, 1861; Richard Clark Reed, 
"A Sketch of the Religious History of the Negroes in the 'South," Papers of the 
American Society of Church History, IV (1914), 193, hereinafter cited as Reed, "A 
Sketch of the Religious History of the Negroes." Eaton, Freedom of Thought, 114, in 
which he says that these laws were not always strictly enforced. Carter G. Woodson, 
The Negro in Our History (Washington, D.C.: The Associated Publishers, 1927), 288. 
This author claims that in most areas of the South the teaching of Negroes to read 
and write was prohibited, but he adds that there were private schools maintained 
by teachers in Charleston, Savannah, and Norfolk for Negroes. See also, scattered 
papers of Upper King and Queen Baptist Church. In these papers there is a letter 
to the Rev. Andrew Broaddus, dated July 25, 1863, from Jaminia Taylor, a woman of 
color, in Richmond, asking for a letter of transfer from that church to the Second 
Baptist Church in Richmond. 

116 Christian Index, September 2, 1862. 

Southern Protestantism and the Negro 353 

and useful. 117 In 1863 the General Assembly of the Presbyterian 
Church recommended that all statutes prohibiting the teaching of 
slaves to read be repealed. 118 Bishop George F. Pierce said that civil 
laws should be altered to permit the master to teach his slaves to 
read. He believed that it was the master's duty to educate and 
Christianize his slaves and that the law prohibiting the teaching of 
reading was one of the abuses of slavery. 119 The Appomattox Baptist 
Association passed a resolution in 1863 requesting the Virginia legis- 
lature to repeal the law forbidding a master to teach his slaves to 
read. 120 The United Synod of the Presbyterian Church also advocated 
the repeal of this law. 121 The delegates attending the meeting of the 
Synod of the Associate Reformed Church appointed a committee to 
prepare a statement concerning the necessity- of repealing the law 
which forbade a servant the "enjoyment and privilege of searching 
the Scripture." 122 

Baptist associations in Georgia and Virginia urged their State 
legislatures to repeal the law forbidding a Negro to preach without 
a court license and the law requiring a white person to be present 
at colored worship services. 123 The Virginia statement read as follows: 

The infidelity of Virginia's prohibitory laws has had a very deleterious 
influence. We should stretch our sanction, then, so far as to let them 
[Negroes] sing, pray, and exhort one another, for when the rigidity of 
the law is enforced they are mortified, and not only so, but if they are 
capable of drawing inferences, they must infer we are afraid of them. 
Let us elevate them. 124 

The emergence of reform sentiment toward slavery arose from a 
blending of religious and economic motives. Some felt that a modi- 
fication of certain slave laws would raise the cultural and intellectual 
level of the Negroes. 125 It was believed that practices definitely con- 
tradictory to a literal reading of the Bible should be altered, especially 
in the matter of slave family relations. Many felt that special laws 

117 Central Presbyterian, January 1, 1863. 

"* Lyon, "Slavery and the Duties Growing out of the Relation," 19. 

UB Pierce, Sermon Before the Georgia Assembly, 14. 

120 Minutes of the Appomattox Baptist Association, Held at New Chapel, Campbell 
County, Virginia, August 8-9, 1862, and at New Salem, Charlotte County, Virginia, 
August 4-5, 1863 (Petersburg, Virginia: Gustavas A. Sykes, 1864), 16. 

121 The Religious Herald, June 25, 1863. 

122 Abstract of Minutes of the Reformed Synod of the South, 8-9. 

123 Christian Index, June 1, 1863. 

124 Minutes of the Appomattox Baptist Association, Held at Rock's Church, Virginia, 
August 9-10, 1864 (Petersburg, Virginia: Gustavas A. Sykes, 1864), 11. 

125 Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the Confederate 
States of America with an Appendix, Volume I, 1864 (Columbia, South Carolina: 
Evans and Cogwell, 1864), 293; Wiley, "Movement to Humanize Slavery," 210. 

354 The North Carolina Historical Review 

prohibiting the teaching of slaves to read were no longer needed 
since abolitionist literature was not entering the South. Another 
factor, and probably the most important, was that many Christians 
in the South interpreted the War as divine punishment for the neg- 
lect of their spiritual duties to the Negro. The South had been negli- 
gent in Christianizing the slaves and for this the people were 
suffering. 126 The advocates of reform believed that if certain abuses 
were removed from slavery the Negroes would become better 
Christians and more useful servants; and, that the Almighty would 
favor reform by granting the South the blessings of peace and inde- 

The r